A  NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   REVO 
LUTION.    2vols.     Illustrated. 

OUR  NAVAL  WAR  WITH  FRANCE.     Illustrated. 

OUR    NAVY    AND    THE    BARBARY    CORSAIRS. 
Illustrated. 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 


A  NAVAL  HISTORY 

OF    THE 

AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

IN   TWO   VOLUMES 
VOLUME  I 


A  NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


BY 


GARDNER  W.  ALLEN 


VOL.1 


BOSTON  AND  NEW   YORK 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

re$*  <£ambri&0e 
1913 


• 


COPYRIGHT,   1913,  BY  GARDNER  W.  ALLEN 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 

Published  April  IQIJ 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 
REVOLUTIONARY  FOREBEARS 


2G3633 


PREFACE 

IN  its  various  aspects  our  struggle  for  independence 
has  from  the  beginning  excited  the  attention  and 
received  the  critical  study  of  historical  scholars, 
and  is  a  never-failing  source  of  discussion  and  spec 
ulation.  From  social,  commercial,  political,  diplo 
matic,  and  military  points  of  view  this  interesting 
field  has  been  worked  over  most  thoroughly.  Yet 
the  maritime  activities  of  the  war,  excepting  the 
more/ brilliant  episodes,  have  been  subjected  to  no 
such  exhaustive  inquiry,  although  the  importance  of 
their  bearing  upon  military  movements,  foreign  re 
lations,  and  commercial  intercourse  is  manifest.  In 
the  archives  of  our  country  and  in  those  of  England 
and  France,  as  well  as  in  private  collections,  news 
papers,  and  elsewhere,  will  be  found  a  large  amount 
of  material  hitherto  only  partially  utilized.  In  the 
preparation  of  this  work  these  original  sources  of 
information  have  been  explored  in  the  effort  to  meet 
in  some  measure  the  present  need  of  more  adequate 
treatment. 

For  aid  and  advice  in  this  search,  the  writer  is 
greatly  indebted  to  the  officials  of  the  Library  of 
Congress,  the  Navy  Department,  the  Boston  Public 
Library,  the  Harvard  College  Library,  the  Massa 
chusetts  Historical  Society,  the  Massachusetts  State 


viii  PREFACE 

Library  —  Archives  Division,  the  Historical  Soci 
ety  of  Pennsylvania,  the  New  York  Public  Library, 
the  Boston  Athenaeum,  the  Essex  Institute,  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  the  Bostonian  So 
ciety  and  Marine  Museum,  and  to  many  other  per 
sons.  He  is  under  particular  obligations  to  Profes 
sor  Edward  Channing,  of  Harvard  University;  to 
Charles  W.  Stewart,  Esq.,  Superintendent  of  Li 
brary  and  Naval  War  Kecords,  Navy  Department  ; 
to  Robert  W.  Neeser,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Naval 
History  Society;  to  Dr.  Charles  O.  Paullin,  of  the 
George  Washington  University;  and  to  Charles 
T.  Harbeck,  Esq.,  and  James  Barnes,  Esq.,  of  New 
York. 

GARDNER  W.  ALLEN. 
BOSTON,  March,  1913. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

EXPLOSION  OF  THE  AUGUSTA Frontispiece 

From  a  picture  in  the  gallery  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  said  to  have  been  painted  by  a  French  officer. 

MAP  OF  THE  NORTH  ATLANTIC  COAST     .....      1 

MAP  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY 6 

ESEE  HOPKINS 30 

From  a  mezzotint,  published  by  Thomas  Hart,  August  22, 1776. 

JAMES  MUGFORD 74 

From  a  lithograph,  published  in  1854.  By  courtesy  of  A.  W.  Long 
fellow,  Esq.,  of  Boston. 

MAP  OF  NEW  YORK  BAY  AND  VICINITY 86 

MAP  OF  THE  ISLAND  OF  NEW  PROVIDENCE  ....    96 

Adapted  from  a  map  in  Field's  Esck  Hopkins,  by  kind  permission 
of  The  Preston  and  Rounds  Company,  Providence,  R.  I. 

JOHN  PAUL  JONES 118 

After  a  copperplate  engraving  in  the  possession  of  the  Bostonian 
Society.  Drawn  from  life  in  May,  1780,  by  Jean-Michel  Moreau  le 
Jeune. 

MAP  OF  LAKE  CHAMPLAIN 162 

MAP  OF  THE  WEST  INDIES 196 

MAP  OF  THE  DELAWARE  RIVER 242 

Adapted  in  part  from  Faden's  map. 

JOHN  HAZELWOOD 246 

From  a  painting  by  C.  W.  Peale  in  Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia. 

MAP  OF  WESTERN  EUROPE  .  .  252 


xii  ILLUSTRATIONS 

NICHOLAS  BIDDLE  . 


From  a  copy  of  the  original  painting  by  C.  W.  Peale,  in  the  gallery 
of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

D'EsTAiNG 328 

After  a  copperplate  engraving  of  a  picture  by  Bonneville. 

MAP  OF  SOUTHERN  NEW  ENGLAND  .  .  332 


A  NAVAL  HISTORY 

OF    THE 

AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


A  NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   OPENING   OF   HOSTILITIES,   1775 

THE  Americans  of  the  eighteenth  century  were 
notably  a  maritime  people  and  no  better  sailors  were 
to  be  found.  The  British  colonies  were  close  to  the 
sea,  and  were  distant  from  each  other,  scattered 
along  a  coast  line  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles  ; 
so  that,  in  the  absence  of  good  roads,  intercommun 
ication  was  almost  altogether  by  water.  The  ocean 
trade  also,  chiefly  with  England  and  the  West 
Indies,  was  extensive.  Fishing  was  one  of  the  most 
important  industries,  especially  of  the  northeastern 
colonies,  and  the  handling  of  small  vessels  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland  at  all  seasons  of  the  year 
trained  large  numbers  of  men  in  seamanship.  The 
whale-fishery  likewise  furnished  an  unsurpassed 
school  for  mariners. 

A  considerable  proportion  of  the  colonists,  there 
fore,  were  at  home  upon  the  sea,  and  more  than 
this  they  were  to  some  extent  practiced  in  mari 
time  warfare.  England,  during  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries,  was  at  war  with  various 


2    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

foreign  nations  a  great  part  of  the  time,  and  almost 
from  the  beginning  of  the  colonial  period  American 
privateers  and  letters  of  marque  scoured  the  ocean 
in  search  of  French  or  Spanish  prizes.  Large  fleets 
were  fitted  out  and  manned  by  provincials  for  the 
expedition  under  Phips  against  Quebec  in  1690  and 
for  Pepperr ell's  successful  descent  upon  Louisburg 
in  1745.  Privateering  during  the  French  and  Indian 
War  of  1754  furnished  a  profitable  field  for  Amer 
ican  enterprise  and  gave  to  many  seamen  an  experi 
ence  which  proved  of  service  twenty  years  later. 
Even  in  times  of  peace  the  prevalence  of  piracy 
necessitated  vigilance,  and  nearly  every  merchant 
man  was  armed  and  prepared  for  resistance.1 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  American  seamen  at 
the  opening  of  the  Revolution  had  the  training  and 
experience  which  made  them  the  best  sort  of  raw 
material  for  an  efficient  naval  force.  The  lack  of 
true  naval  tradition,  however,  and  of  military  disci 
pline,  and  the  poverty  of  the  country,  imposed  limit 
ations  which,  together  with  the  overwhelming  force 
of  the  enemy,  seriously  restricted  the  field  of  enter 
prise.  Nevertheless  the  patriotic  cause  was  greatly 
aided  and  independence  made  possible  by  the  activ 
ities  of  armed  men  afloat. 

The  navigation  laws  of  Great  Britain  were  nat 
urally  unpopular  in  the  colonies,  and  their  stricter 

1  See  Weeden's  Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England, 
chs.  v,  ix,  xiv,  xvi ;  and  Atlantic  Monthly,  September  and  October, 
1861,  for  journal  of  Captain  Norton  of  Newport,  1741.  See  Appen 
dix  I  for  authorities. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775         3 

enforcement  after  the  peace  of  1763,  together  with 
the  imposition  of  new  customs  duties,  led  to  almost 
universal  efforts  to  evade  them.  In  1764  the 
British  schooner  St.  John  was  fired  upon  by  Khode 
Islanders,  and  in  1769  the  armed  sloop  Liberty, 
engaged  in  the  suppression  of  smuggling,  made  her 
self  so  obnoxious  to  the  people  of  Newport  that 
they  seized  and  burned  her.  In  1772  the  schooner 
Gaspee,  on  similar  duty,  was  stationed  in  Narra- 
gansett  Bay  and  caused  great  annoyance  by  stopping 
and  examining  all  vessels.  The  people  were  exas 
perated  at  the  arrogant  behavior  of  her  commander, 
who  in  many  cases  exceeded  his  authority.  On  the 
9th  of  June,  as  the  Gaspee  was  chasing  a  vessel 
bound  from  Newport  to  Providence,  she  ran  aground 
about  seven  miles  from  Providence ;  she  was  hard 
and  fast  and  the  tide  was  ebbing.  After  nightfall 
a  party  of  men  in  boats  descended  the  river  from 
Providence  and  attacked  the  schooner.  After  a 
short  contest,  in  which  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  Gaspee  was  wounded,  she  was  captured.  The 
prisoners  and  everything  of  value  having  been  re 
moved,  she  was  set  on  fire  and  in  a  few  hours  blew  up. 
Little  effort  was  made  to  conduct  this  affair  secretly, 
and  yet  in  spite  of  the  diligent  inquiry  of  a  court  of 
five  commissioners,  all  of  whom  were  in  sympathy 
with  the  British  ministry,  no  credible  evidence  could 
be  adduced  implicating  any  person ;  showing  a 
practical  unanimity  of  feeling  in  the  colony.1 

1  R.  I.  Colony  Records,  vi,  427-430,  vii,  55-192;   Bartlett's 


4     NAVAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  first  public  service  afloat,  under  Revolution 
ary  authority,  was  perhaps  the  voyage  of  the  schooner 
Quero  of  Salem,  Captain  John  Derby,  despatched 
to  England  by  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Con 
gress  with  the  news  of  the  Battle  of  Lexington. 
She  sailed  April  29,  1775,  some  days  later  than 
General  Gage's  official  despatches  and  arrived  at 
her  destination  nearly  two  weeks  ahead  of  them.1 

Early  in  May,  1775,  the  British  sloop  of  war 
Falcon  of  sixteen  guns,  Captain  John  Linzee, 
seized  two  American  sloops  in  Vineyard  Sound; 
"  on  which  the  People  fitted  out  two  Vessels,  went 
in  Pursuit  of  them,  retook  and  brought  them  both 
into  a  Harbour,  and  sent  the  Prisoners  to  Taunton 
Gaol."2 

The  islands  in  Boston  Harbor  had  long  been  used 
by  the  colonists  for  pasturage  and  were  well  stocked 
with  cattle  and  sheep  which  the  British  troops  in 
the  town  took  measures  to  secure  for  their  consump 
tion.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Lexington  they  suc 
ceeded  in  carrying  off  all  the  live  stock  on  Govern 
or's  and  Thompson's  Islands.  The  Americans,  May 
27,  with  the  intention  of  forestalling  similar  raids, 
landed  between  two  and  three  hundred  men  on  Hog 
Island  who  attempted  to  bring  off  the  cattle  and 

Destruction  of  the  Gaspee;  Staplea's  Destruction  of  the  Gaspee; 
Channing's  United  States,  iii,  124-127,  151. 

1  Essex  Institute  Collections,  January,  1900 ;  Century  Magazine, 
September,  1899. 

2  New  England  Chronicle,  May  18,  1775 ;  American  Archives, 
Series  IV,  ii,  608. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775         5 

sheep,  while  a  detachment  of  about  thirty  men 
crossed  over  to  Noddle's  Island  (East  Boston)  for 
the  same  purpose,  when  "  about  a  hundred  Kegulars 
landed  upon  the  last  mentioned  and  pursued  our 
Men  till  they  had  got  safely  back  to  Hog  Island  ; 
then  the  Regulars  began  to  fire  very  briskly  by 
Platoons  upon  our  Men.  In  the  mean  time  an  armed 
Schooner  with  a  Number  of  Barges  came  up  to  Hog 
Island  to  prevent  our  People's  leaving  said  Island, 
which  she  could  not  effect ;  after  that  several  Barges 
were  towing  her  back  to  her  Station,  as  there  was 
little  Wind  and  flood  Tide.  Our  People  put  in  a 
heavy  Fire  of  small  Arms  upon  the  Barges,  and  two  3 
Pounders  coming  up  to  our  Assistance  began  to  play 
upon  them  and  soon  obliged  the  Barges  to  quit  her 
and  to  carry  off  her  Crew  ;  After  which  our  people 
set  Fire  to  her,  although  the  Barges  exerted  them 
selves  very  vigorously  to  prevent  it.  She  was  burnt 
[the  next  day]  upon  the  Way  of  Winisimet  Ferry. 
We  have  not  lost  a  single  Life,  although  the  Engage 
ment  was  very  warm  from  the  armed  Schooner 
(which  mounted  four  6  Pounders  and  12  swivels), 
from  an  armed  Sloop  that  lay  within  Reach  of  Small 
Arms,  from  one  or  two  12  Pounders  upon  Nod 
dle's  Island,  and  from  the  Barges  which  were  all 
fixed  with  swivels."  1  The  American  loss  was  four 
wounded,  one  of  whom  died  two  days  later ;  that  of 
the  British  was  said  to  be  twenty  killed  and  fifty 
wounded.  The  stock,  amounting  to  over  four  hun- 

1  Boston  Gazette,  June  5,  1775. 


6     NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

dred  sheep,  about  thirty  cattle  and  some  horses, 
were  brought  away  by  the  provincials.  During  the 
siege  of  Boston  various  other  attempts,  successful 
and  unsuccessful,  were  made  to  bring  away  live 
stock  from  the  islands  of  the  harbor,  thereby  re 
ducing  the  possible  sources  of  food  supply  of  the 
British  shut  up  in  the  town.1 

Josiah  Quincy  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams,  dated 
September  22,  1775,  proposed  a  plan  for  making 
the  investment  of  Boston  complete  and  so  forcing 
the  capitulation  of  the  besieged  British  army.  His 
proposal  was  to  build  five  forts,  three  of  them  on 
Long  Island,  so  placed  as  to  command  the  channels 
of  the  harbor,  including  the  narrows  which  were 
guarded  by  the  enemy's  men-of-war  in  Nantasket 
Koads ;  these  ships  could  be  driven  out  by  the  fire 
of  the  forts.  He  would  then  sink  hulks  in  the  nar 
rows.  No  ships  could  thenceforth  pass  in  or  out 
and  "  both  Seamen  and  Soldiers,  if  they  dont  escape 
by  a  timely  Flight,  must  become  Prisoners  at  Dis 
cretion."  Quincy  also  thought  that  "  Row  Gallies 
must  be  our  first  mode  of  Defence  by  Sea."  2 

Near  the  eastern  frontier  of  Maine,  in  a  situation 
most  exposed  to  British  attack,  lay  the  little  sea 
port  of  Machias.  The  one  staple  of  the  town  was 

1  Sumner's  History  of  East  Boston,  367-389 ;    Frothingham's 
Siege  of  Boston,  108, 109,  225  ;  Green's  Three  Military  Diaries,  86 ; 
Almon's  Remembrancer,  i.  112 ;  Amer.  Archives,  IV,  ii,  719 ;  Bos 
ton  Gazette,  June  5,  1775 ;  N.  E.  Chronicle,  May  25,  June  15,  July 
27,  October  5,  1775. 

2  Adams  MSS. 


MASSACHUSETTS 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775         7 

lumber  and  this  the  inhabitants  exchanged  at  Bos 
ton  for  the  various  supplies  they  needed.  In  the 
spring  of  1775  food  was  scarce,  for  the  previous 
year's  crops  had  failed.  Consequently  a  petition, 
dated  May  25,  was  sent  to  the  General  Court  or 
Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts  at  Water- 
town,  begging  for  provisions  and  promising  to  send 
back  lumber  in  return.  News  of  the  fight  at  Lex 
ington  and  Concord  had  lately  reached  Machias 
and  had  stirred  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  who 
in  spite  of  their  isolated  position,  were  in  the  main 
devoted  to  the  provincial  cause  and  had  their  com 
mittee  of  safety  and  correspondence.  A  committee 
of  the  General  Court  reported  June  7  in  favor  of 
sending  the  provisions.  Meanwhile  Captain  Icha- 
bod  Jones,  a  merchant  engaged  in  trade  with  Ma 
chias,  had  proceeded  from  Boston  to  that  place  with 
two  sloops,  the  Unity  and  the  Polly,  loaded  with 
provisions  and  escorted  by  the  armed  schooner  Mar- 
garetta  under  the  command  of  Midshipman  Moore  of 
the  British  navy.  They  arrived  June  2  and  Jones 
took  measures  to  procure  a  return  cargo  of  lumber 
for  the  use  of  the  British  troops  in  Boston.  As  the 
only  means  of  obtaining  the  much  needed  provisions 
it  was  voted  in  town  meeting,  notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  a  large  minority  of  stanch  patriots,  to 
allow  Jones  to  take  his  lumber.  He  proceeded  ac 
cordingly  to  distribute  the  provisions,  but  to  those 
only  who  had  voted  in  his  favor.  The  patriots,  un 
der  the  lead  of  Benjamin  Foster  and  Jeremiah 


8     NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

O'Brien,  were  determined  to  prevent  the  shipping 
of  the  lumber  to  Boston.  On  Sunday,  June  11,  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to  capture  Jones 
and  the  officers  of  the  Margaretta  while  at  church. 
They  took  the  alarm  and  Jones  fled  to  the  woods, 
where  he  was  taken  some  days  later;  the  officers 
escaped  to  their  vessel.  Moore  then  threatened  to 
bombard  the  town.1 

"  Upon  this  a  party  of  our  men  went  directly  to 
stripping  the  sloop  [Unity]  that  lay  at  the  wharf 
and  another  party  went  off  to  take  possession  of  the 
other  sloop  which  lay  below  &  brought  her  up  nigh 
a  wharf  &  anchored  in  the  stream.  The  Tender 
[Margaretta]  did  not  fire,  but  weighed  her  anchors 
as  privately  as  possible  and  in  the  dusk  of  the  even 
ing  fell  down  &  came  to  within  musket  shot  of 
the  sloop,  which  obliged  our  people  to  slip  their 
cable  &  run  the  sloop  aground.  In  the  meantime  a 
considerable  number  of  our  people  went  down  in 
boats  &  canoes,  lined  the  shore  directly  opposite 
to  the  Tender,  &  having  demanded  her  to  surrender 
to  America,  received  for  answer, '  fire  &  be  damn'd '; 
they  immediately  fired  in  upon  her,  which  she  re 
turned  and  a  smart  engagement  ensued.  The  Ten 
der  at  last  slipped  her  cable  &  fell  down  to  a  small 
sloop  commanded  by  Capt.  Tobey  &  lashed  herself 
to  her  for  the  remainder  of  the  night.  In  the  morn 
ing  of  the  12th  she  took  Capt.  Tobey  out  of  his 
vessel  for  a  pilot  &  made  all  the  sail  they  could 
i  Coll  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  vi  (April,  1895),  124-130. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775         9 

to  get  off,  as  the  wind  &  tide  favored ;  but  having 
carried  away  her  main  boom  and  meeting  with  a 
sloop  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  they  came  to,  robbed 
the  sloop  of  her  boom  &  gaff,  took  almost  all  her 
provisions  together  with  Mr.  Robert  Avery  of  Nor 
wich  in  Connecticut,  and  proceeded  on  their  voy 
age.  Our  people,  seeing  her  go  off  in  the  morning, 
determined  to  follow  her. 

"  About  forty  men  armed  with  guns,  swords,  axes 
&  pitch  forks  went  in  Capt.  Jones's  sloop  under  the 
command  of  Capt.  Jeremiah  O'Brien  ;  about  twenty, 
armed  in  the  same  manner  &  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Benj.  Foster,  went  in  a  small  schooner. 
During  the  chase  our  people  built  them  breastworks 
of  pine  boards  and  anything  they  could  find  in  the 
vessels  that  would  screen  them  from  the  enemy's 
fire.  The  Tender,  upon  the  first  appearance  of  our 
people,  cut  her  boats  from  her  stern  &  made  all 
the  sail  she  could,  but  being  a  very  dull  sailor  they 
soon  came  up  with  her  and  a  most  obstinate  en 
gagement  ensued,  both  sides  being  determined  to 
conquer  or  die ;  but  the  Tender  was  obliged  to  yield, 
her  Capt.  was  wounded  in  the  breast  with  two  balls, 
of  which  wounds  he  died  next  morning.  Poor  Mr. 
Avery  was  killed  and  one  of  the  marines,  and  five 
wounded.  Only  one  of  our  men  was  killed  and  six 
wounded,  one  of  which  is  since  dead  of  his  wounds. 
The  battle  was  fought  at  the  entrance  of  our  har 
bour  &  lasted  for  near  the  space  of  one  hour.  We 
have  in  our  possession  four  double  fortifyed  three 


10    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

pounders  &  fourteen  swivels  and  a  number  of  small 
arms,  which  we  took  with  the  Tender,  besides  a 
very  small  quantity  of  ammunition." l  Foster's 
schooner  is  said  to  have  run  aground  and  to  have 
taken  no  part  in  the  battle.  The  Unity  returned  to 
Machias  with  the  Margaretta  as  her  prize.  O'Brien's 
five  brothers  were  with  him  in  this  enterprise.2 

Joseph  Wheaton,  one  of  the  Unity's  crew,  wrote 
many  years  later  a  detailed  account  of  the  action. 
He  says  that  the  Margaretta,  after  having  replaced 
her  broken  boom,  "  was  Making  Sail  when  our  Ves 
sel  came  in  Sight ;  then  commenced  the  chace,  a 
Small  lumber  boat  in  pursuit  of  a  well  armed  Brit 
ish  vessel  of  war  —  in  a  Short  time  she  cut  away 
her  three  boats.  Standing  for  sea  while  thus  pur 
suing,  we  aranged  our  selves,  appointed  Jeremiah 
Obrien  our  conductor,  John  Steele  to  steer  our 
Vessel,  and  in  about  two  hours  we  received  her 
first  fire,  but  before  we  could  reach  her  she  had 
cut  our  rigging  and  Sails  emmencely ;  but  having 
gained  to  about  one  hundred  yards,  one  Thomas 
Neight  fired  his  wall  piece,  wounded  the  man  at  the 
helm  and  the  Vessel  broached  too,  when  we  nearly 
all  fired.  At  this  moment  Captain  Moore  imployed 
himself  at  a  box  of  hand  granades  and  put  two  on 

1  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  vi,  130, 131  (report  of  Machias  Commit 
tee  of  Correspondence,  June  14,  1775). 

2  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  1847,  January,  1891,  April,  1895 ;  New 
England  Magazine,  August,  1895 ;  Massachusetts  Magazine,  April, 
1910 ;  Sherman's  Life  of  Jeremiah  O'Brien,  chs.  ii-v ;  Boston  Ga- 
xette,  July  3,  1775. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775       11 

board  our  Vessel,  which  through  our  crew  into 
great  disorder,  they  having  killed  and  wounded  nine 
men.  Still  two  ranks  which  were  near  the  prow  got 
a  second  fire,  when  our  bowsprit  was  run  through 
the  main  shrouds  of  the  Margarette  and  Sail,  when 
Six  of  us  Jumped  on  her  quarter  deck  and  with 
clubed  Muskets  drove  the  crew  from  their  quarters, 
from  the  waist  into  the  hold  of  the  Margarette ;  the 
Capt.  lay  mortally  wounded,  Robert  Avery  was 
killed  and  eight  marines  &  Saylors  lay  dead  on 
her  deck,  the  Lieutenant  wounded  in  her  cabin. 
Thus  ended  this  bloody  affray."1  Wheaton  says 
that  fourteen  of  the  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded. 

According  to  the  British  account  the  Americans 
attempted  to  board  the  Margaretta  with  boats  and 
canoes  during  the  night  before  the  battle,  but  were 
beaten  off.  In  the  next  day's  chase  Foster's  schooner 
continued  in  company  with  the  Unity  to  the  end. 
As  these  vessels  approached  they  were  received  by 
the  Margaretta  with  a  broadside  of  swivels,  small 
arms,  and  hand  grenades,  but  they  both  came  along 
side,  the  Unity  on  the  starboard  and  the  schooner 
on  the  larboard  bow.2 

The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  resolved, 
June  26,  1775  :  "  That  the  thanks  of  this  Congress 

1  Adams  MSS.,  Wheaton  to  President  Adams,  February  21, 
1801.  See  another  account  by  Wheaton  in  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc., 
ii  (January,  1891),  109. 

2  British  Admiralty  Becords,  Admirals'  Despatches  485,  July 
24, 1775,  No.  2. 


12    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

be,  and  they  are  hereby  given  to  Capt.  Jeremiah 
O'Brien  and  Capt.  Benjamin  Foster  and  the  other 
brave  men  under  their  command,  for  their  courage 
and  good  conduct  in  taking  one  of  the  tenders  be 
longing  to  our  enemies  and  two  sloops  belonging 
to  Ichabod  Jones,  and  for  preventing  the  ministerial 
troops  being  supplied  with  lumber ;  and  that  the 
said  tender,  sloops,  their  cargoes  remain  in  the  hands 
of  the  said  captains  O'Brien  and  Foster  and  the 
men  under  their  command,  for  them  to  improve  as 
they  shall  think  most  for  their  and  the  public  advan 
tage  until  the  further  action  of  this  or  some  future 
Congress." 1  The  Unity  was  fitted  out  with  the  Mar- 
garetta's  guns,  renamed  the  Machias  Liberty  and 
put  under  Jeremiah  O'Brien's  command ;  she  was 
presumably  chosen  as  a  cruiser  in  preference  to 
the  Margaretta  on  account  of  her  superior  sailing 
qualities. 

About  a  month  after  the  capture  of  the  Margar 
etta  the  British  schooner  Diligent,  carrying  eight 
or  ten  guns  and  fifty  men,  and  the  tender  Tapna- 
quish,  with  sixteen  swivels  and  twenty  men,2  ap 
peared  off  Machias.  The  captain  of  the  Diligent 
going  ashore  in  his  boat  was  seized  by  a  small 
party  of  Americans  stationed  near  the  mouth  of  the 
bay  and  sent  to  Machias.  Jeremiah  O'Brien  in  the 
Machias  Liberty  and  Benjamin  Foster  in  another 

1  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  vi,  132. 

2  Wheaton  (Adams  MSS.)  gives  these  vessels  a  smaller  number 
of  men  and  guns. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775       13 

vessel  were  then  sent  down  the  river,  found  the 
British  vessels  and  took  them  without  firing  a  gun. 
According  to  Wheaton,  O'Brien  subsequently 
cruised  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  took  a  number 
of  British  merchant  vessels.1 

Foster  and  O'Brien  were  next  sent  by  the  Ma- 
chias  Committee  of  Safety  to  Watertown  to  report 
their  exploits  to  the  Provincial  Congress.  Under 
their  charge  went  also  the  prisoners  taken  in  the 
Margaretta,  Diligent  and  Tapnaquish,  together  with 
Ichabod  Jones.  They  proceeded  as  far  as  Falmouth 
(Portland),  a  week's  voyage,  by  water.  The  ruth 
less  burning  of  Falmouth  by  the  British  under 
Captain  Henry  Mowatt  several  weeks  later  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been,  in  part  at  least,  an  act  of  re 
taliation  for  the  capture  of  the  British  vessels  at 
Machias.  The  journey  of  O'Brien  and  Foster  from 
Falmouth  to  Watertown  was  made  by  land  and 
took  about  ten  days.  August  11  the  prisoners  were 
delivered  at  Watertown  by  their  captors,  who  about 
the  same  time  reported  also  to  General  Washing 
ton  at  the  headquarters  of  the  army  in  Cambridge. 
They  petitioned  the  Provincial  Congress  for  the 
privilege  of  raising  a  company  of  men  among  them 
selves  at  the  expense  of  the  Province,  to  be  used  in 
the  defense  of  Machias  and  to  give  occupation  to 
numbers  of  young  men  who  in  the  distress  of  war 
times  were  without  means  of  support.  They  also 

1  Coll.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  ii  (1847),  246,  ii  (January,  1891),  111 ; 
Life  of  O'Brien,  ch.  vi ;  Massachusetts  Mag.,  January,  1910. 


14    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

asked  that  the  officers  of  the  Machias  Liberty  be 
given  commissions  and  that  men  be  stationed  on 
board  her,  this  vessel  to  be  supplied  and  equipped 
and  used  for  the  defense  of  the  town,  which  might 
easily  be  blockaded  by  a  small  force.  The  petitions 
were  favorably  received  by  the  Congress  and 
O'Brien  was  appointed  to  command  both  the 
Machias  Liberty  and  the  Diligent.  These  vessels 
were  thereby  taken  into  the  service  of  the  colony 
and  became  the  nucleus  of  the  Massachusetts  navy. 
O'Brien  soon  returned  to  Machias  in  order  to  over 
see  the  fitting  out  of  his  vessels.1 

Off  Cape  Ann,  August  9,  1775,  the  British 
sloop  of  war  Falcon,  16,  Captain  Linzee,  fell  in 
with  two  schooners  from  the  West  Indies,  bound  to 
Salem.  One  of  these  schooners,  says  a  report  from 
Gloucester,  was  "  soon  brought  to,  the  other  taking 
advantage  of  a  fair  wind,  put  into  our  harbour,  but 
Linzee  having  made  a  prize  of  the  first,  pursued 
the  second  into  the  harbour  and  brought  the  first 
with  him.  He  anchored  and  sent  two  barges  with 
fifteen  men  in  each,  armed  with  muskets  and  swivels ; 
these  were  attended  with  a  whale  boat  in  which  was 
the  Lieutenant  and  six  privates.  Their  orders  were 
to  seize  the  loaded  schooner  and  bring  her  under 
the  Falcon's  bow.  The  Militia  and  other  inhabitants 
were  alarmed  at  this  daring  attempt  and  prepared 

1  O'Brien,  ch.  vi ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  346,  354 ;  Records  of  Gen 
eral  Court  of  Massachusetts,  August  21, 23, 1775 ;  Massachusetts  Spy, 
August  16, 1775. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775       15 

for  a  vigorous  opposition.  The  barge-men  under  the 
command  of  the  Lieutenant  boarded  the  schooner 
at  the  cabbin  windows,  which  provoked  a  smart 
fire  from  our  people  on  the  shore,  by  which  three 
of  the  enemy  were  killed  and  the  Lieutenant 
wounded  in  the  thigh,  who  thereupon  returned  to 
the  man  of  war.  Upon  this  Linzee  sent  the  other 
schooner  and  a  small  cutter  he  had  to  attend  him, 
well  armed,  with  orders  to  fire  upon  the  damn'd 
rebels  wherever  they  could  see  them  and  that  he 
would  in  the  mean  time  cannonade  the  town ;  he 
immediately  fired  a  broadside  upon  the  thickest 
settlements  and  stood  himself  with  diabolical  pleas 
ure  to  see  what  havock  his  cannon  might  make.  .  .  . 
Not  a  ball  struck  or  wounded  an  individual  person, 
although  they  went  through  our  houses  in  almost 
every  direction  when  filled  with  women  and  child 
ren.  .  .  .  Our  little  party  at  the  water  side  per 
formed  wonders,  for  they  soon  made  themselves 
masters  of  both  the  schooners,  the  cutter,  the  two 
barges,  the  boat,  and  every  man  in  them,  and  all  that 
pertained  to  them.  In  the  action,  which  lasted  sev 
eral  hours,  we  lost  but  one  man,  two  others  wounded, 
one  of  which  is  since  dead,  the  other  very  slightly 
wounded.  "We  took  of  the  men  of  war's  men  thirty- 
five,  several  were  wounded  and  one  since  dead; 
twenty-four  were  sent  to  head-quarters,  the  remain 
der,  being  impressed  from  this  and  the  neighboring 
towns,  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  friends."1 

1  Pennsylvania  Packet,    August  28,   1775;   N.   E.    Chronicle, 
August  25,  1775. 


16    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Captain  Linzee,  who  makes  the  date  of  the  affair 
August  8,  states  in  his  report  to  the  admiral  at 
Boston  that  having  anchored  in  Gloucester  harbor 
he  "  sent  Lieut.  Thornborough  with  the  Pinnace, 
Long  Boat  and  Jolly  Boat,  mann'd  and  arm'd  in 
order  to  bring  the  Schooner  out,  the  Master 
coming  in  from  sea  at  the  same  time  in  a  small 
tender,  I  directed  him  to  go  and  assist  the  Lieu 
tenant.  When  the  Boats  had  passed  a  Point  of 
Rocks  that  was  between  the  Ship  and  Schooner, 
they  received  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Rebels  who 
were  hidden  behind  Rocks  and  Houses,  and  behind 
Schooners  aground  at  Wharfs,  but  notwithstanding 
the  heavy  fire  from  the  Rebels,  Lieut.  Thornborough 
boarded  the  Schooner  and  was  himself  and  three 
men  wounded  from  Shore.  On  the  Rebels  firing 
on  the  Boats,  I  fired  from  the  ship  into  the  Town, 
to  draw  the  Rebels  from  the  Boats.  I  very  soon 
observed  the  Rebels  payed  little  attention  to  the 
firing  from  the  ship  and  seeing  their  fire  continued 
very  heavy  from  the  schooner  the  Lieutenant  had 
boarded,  I  made  an  attempt  to  set  fire  to  the  Town." 
Hoping  that  by  this  means  the  attention  of  the 
Americans  would  be  directed  to  saving  their  houses, 
so  that  the  schooner  could  be  brought  off,  Linzee 
sent  a  party  ashore  to  fire  the  town  ;  but  the  pow 
der  used  for  the  purpose  was  set  off  prematurely, 
"  one  of  the  Men  was  bio  wed  up,"  and  the  attempt 
failed.  The  town  was  then  bombarded.  "  About  4 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  lieutenant  was  brought 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775       17 

on  board  under  cover  of  the  Masters'  fire  from  the 
Schooner,  who  could  not  leave  her.  All  the  Boats 
were  much  damaged  by  the  shots  and  lay  on  the 
side  of  the  Schooner  next  to  the  Rebels ;  on  my 
being  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  the  Master, 
I  ^sent  the  Prize  Schooner  to  anchor  ahead  the 
Schooner  the  Master  was  in  and  veer  alongside  to 
take  him  and  People  away,  who  were  very  much 
exposed  to  the  Rebels'  fire,  but  from  want  of  an 
officer  to  send  her  in,  it  was  not  performed,  the 
Vessel  not  anchored  properly."  The  master,  despair 
ing  of  succor,  surrendered  about  seven  in  the  even 
ing  "  with  the  Gunner,  fifteen  Seamen,  Seven  Mar 
ines,  one  Boy,  and  ten  prest  Americans."  The  next 
morning  the  Falcon  weighed  anchor  and  proceeded 
to  Nantasket  Roads.1 

Several  other  affairs,  of  little  importance  in  them 
selves,  showed  the  readiness  of  the  provincials  for 
action  upon  the  water  at  an  early  period,  before 
there  was  naval  organization  of  any  kind  to  give 
authority  to  their  acts. 2  Boston  being  the  seat  of 
war  at  this  time,  most  of  the  maritime  events  nat 
urally  took  place  in  New  England  waters  during 
the  first  year.  As  early  as  August,  1775,  however, 
a  South  Carolina  sloop,  sent  out  by  the  Council  of 
Safety,  captured  a  British  vessel  on  the  Florida 
coast.3 

1  Magazine  of  History,  August,  1905. 

3  Boston   Gazette,   September  11,  October  2,  9,  1775 ;   Perm. 
Packet,  September  4,  1775. 
8  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  180. 


18    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  situation  of  affairs  in  America,  as  is  well 
known,  caused  great  concern  in  England  for  a  con 
siderable  time  before  the  actual  outbreak  of  the  re 
bellion.  Of  all  the  measures  proposed  by  whig  or 
tory  for  the  adjustment  of  the  difficulty,  probably 
the  wisest,  for  the  conservation  of  the  empire,  was 
suggested  by  Viscount  Harrington,  the  Secretary  at 
"War ;  but  wisdom  availed  little  with  the  British 
ministry  of  that  day.  Barrington's  advice  was  given 
in  a  series  of  letters  written  in  the  years  1774  and 
1775  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  Secretary  for  the 
Colonies.1  His  opinion  was  that  the  colonies  could 
not  be  subdued  by  the  army,  and  that  even  if  they 
could,  the  permanent  occupation  of  America  by  a 
large  force  would  be  necessary,  a  source  of  constant 
exasperation  to  the  colonists  and  of  enormous  ex 
pense  to  the  government.  The  troops,  he  thought, 
should  be  withdrawn  to  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and 
East  Florida,  and  there  quartered  "  till  they  can  be 
employed  with  good  effect  elsewhere."  The  reduc 
tion  of  the  rebellious  colonies  should  be  left  to  the 
navy.  November  14, 1774,  he  writes:  "  The  naval 
force  may  be  so  employed  as  must  necessarily  re 
duce  the  Colony  [Massachusetts]  to  submission 
without  shedding  a  drop  of  blood."  2  A  few  weeks 
later,  December  24,  he  goes  a  little  more  into  de 
tail.  Speaking  especially  of  New  England  he  says : 

1  Political  Life  of  William  Wildman,  Viscount  Barrington,  by 
his  brother  Shute  (London,  1814),  140-152. 
«  Ibid.,  141. 


THE  OPENING  OF  HOSTILITIES,  1775       19 

"  Conquest  by  land  is  unnecessary,  when  the  coun 
try  can  be  reduced  first  by  distress  and  then  to 
obedience  by  our  Marine  totally  interrupting  all 
commerce  and  fishery,  and  even  seizing  all  the  ships 
in  the  ports,  with  very  little  expense  and  less  blood 
shed."  As  to  the  colonies  south  of  New  England, 
"  a  strict  execution  of  the  Act  of  Navigation  and 
other  restrictive  laws  would  probably  be  sufficient 
at  present."  A  few  frigates  and  sloops  could  enforce 
those  laws  and  prevent  almost  all  commerce  — 
"  Though  we  must  depend  on  our  smaller  ships  for 
the  active  part  of  this  plan,  I  think  a  squadron  of 
ships  of  the  line  should  be  stationed  in  North  Amer 
ica,  both  to  prevent  the  intervention  of  foreign 
powers  and  any  attempt  of  the  Colonies  to  attack 
our  smaller  vessels  by  sea."  "  The  Colonies  will  in 
a  few  months  feel  their  distress  ;  their  spirits,  not 
animated  by  any  little  successes  on  their  part  or 
violence  of  persecution  on  ours,  will  sink ;  they  will 
be  consequently  inclined  to  treat,  probably  to  sub 
mit  to  a  certain  degree."  1  Concessions  could  then 
be  made  without  loss  of  dignity,  the  mistake  of  im 
posing  further  obnoxious  taxes  being  avoided.  Bar- 
rington  wrote  on  the  same  subject  to  Dartmouth 
the  next  year;  and  also  to  Lord  North,  August  8, 
1775,  saying :  "  My  own  opinion  always  has  been 
and  still  is,  that  the  Americans  may  be  reduced  by 
the  fleet,  but  never  can  be  by  the  army."  2 

1  Barrington,  144-147.  2  Ibid.,  151. 


CHAPTEE  II 

NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION   AND  ORGANIZATION 

THE  events  already  related  took  place  under  the 
stress  of  circumstances,  most  of  them  unauthorized 
by  Continental  or  Provincial  Congress.  It  is  now 
necessary  to  interrupt  the  narrative  of  naval  oper 
ations  in  order  to  sketch  briefly  the  various  sources 
of  authority  and  the  administrative  systems  under 
which  acted  the  different  classes  of  vessels  through 
out  the  course  of  the  war.  These  classes  were: 
First,  Continental  vessels ;  second,  the  state  navies ; 
third,  the  privateers,  commissioned  either  by  the 
Continental  government  or  by  the  various  states, 
and  in  some  cases  by  both.1 

Public  vessels  cruising  under  Continental  au 
thority  comprised  not  only  the  Continental  navy, 
strictly  speaking,  including  vessels  fitted  out  in 
France,  but  also  the  fleets  organized  by  "Washing 
ton  in  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1775  and  later  in 
New  York ;  by  Arnold  on  Lake  Champlain  in  1776  ; 
and  by  Pollock  in  1778  on  the  Mississippi  Kiver. 

General  Washington  took  the  first  actual  step 

1  In  the  preparation  of  so  much  of  this  chapter  as  relates  to 
the  administration  and  organization  of  the  American  naval  forces, 
Paullin's  Navy  of  the  American  Revolution  has  been  closely  fol 
lowed.  See  also  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1888-1904,  1917-1957;  Works 
of  John  Adams,  ii,  462-464,  469,  470,  479-484,  iii,  6-12. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  21 

towards  placing  a  Continental  force  upon  the  sea 
by  fitting  out  the  schooner  Hannah,  which  sailed 
from  Beverly  September  5,  1775,  and  returned  to 
port  two  days  later  with  a  prize.  An  important 
measure  in  making  effective  the  siege  of  Boston, 
then  in  progress,  was  the  intercepting  of  supplies 
coming  to  the  town  by  water ;  the  supplies  being  at 
the  same  time  of  the  utmost  value  to  the  American 
army  investing  the  town.  Before  the  end  of  the 
year  seven  other  vessels,  officered  and  manned  from 
the  army,  were  fitted  out  by  Washington.  The  next 
year  he  organized  a  similar  but  smaller  fleet  at  New 
York.* 

The  first  official  suggestion  of  a  Continental  navy 
came  from  the  Assembly  of  Khode  Island  which, 
August  26,  1775,  declared  "that  the  building  and 
equipping  an  American  fleet,  as  soon  as  possible, 
would  greatly  and  essentially  conduce  to  the  pre 
servation  of  the  lives,  liberty  and  property  of  the 
good  people  of  these  colonies,"  and  instructed  the 
delegates  from  that  province  in  the  Continental 
Congress  "  to  use  their  whole  influence  at  the  en 
suing  congress  for  building  at  the  Continental  ex- 
pence  a  fleet  of  sufficient  force  for  the  protection 
of  these  colonies."2  The  Rhode  Island  delegates 
presented  their  instructions  to  Congress  October  3 
and  this  brought  the  matter  fairly  before  that  body. 
Discussion  of  these  instructions  was  postponed  from 
time  to  time  and  it  was  several  weeks  before  definite 

1  See  next  chapter.  2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  231. 


22     NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

action  was  taken  on  them.  Meanwhile  intelligence 
had  been  received  of  the  sailing  from  England  of 
two  brigs  laden  with  military  supplies  bound  to 
Quebec.  The  practicability  of  intercepting  these  ves 
sels  was  considered  in  Congress  October  5.  Strong 
opposition  was  developed  on  the  part  of  a  vociferous 
minority  to  any  participation  of  the  Continental 
government  in  maritime  warfare ;  to  them  it  appeared 
sheer  madness  to  send  ships  out  upon  the  sea  to 
meet  the  overwhelming  naval  force  of  England. 
After  a  lively  debate  the  matter  was  referred  to  a 
committee  consisting  of  John  Adams,  John  Lang- 
don,  and  Silas  Deane.  Upon  the  recommendation 
of  this  committee  it  was  decided  to  instruct  Wash 
ington  at  once  to  procure  two  Massachusetts  cruisers 
for  that  service  and  to  request  the  cooperation  of 
the  governors  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut.1 

Elbridge  Gerry  wrote  from  Watertown,  October 
9,  1775,  to  Samuel  Adams,  then  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  saying:  "If 
the  Continent  should  fit  out  a  heavy  ship  or  two 
and  increase  them  as  circumstances  shall  admit,  the 
Colonies  large  privateers,  and  individuals  small 
ones,  surely  we  may  soon  expect  to  see  the  coast 
clear  of  cutters."  2 

On  the  advice  of  the  committee  appointed  October 
5,  Congress  voted  on  the  13th  to  fit  out  two  vessels, 

1  Journals  of  Continental  Congress,  October  3, 5, 1775 ;  Am.  Arch.t 
IV,  iii,  950,  1038,  1888-1890. 
3  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  993. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  23 

one  of  them  to  carry  ten  guns,  to  cruise  three  months 
to  the  eastward  in  the  hope  of  intercepting  British 
transports.  Another  committee  of  three  was  ap 
pointed  to  inquire  into  the  expense.  October  30, 
1775,  is  an  important  date  in  naval  legislation.  Con 
gress  resolved  to  arm  the  second  of  the  vessels 
already  provided  for  with  fourteen  guns  and  also 
authorized  two  additional  vessels  which  might  carry 
as  many  as  twenty  and  thirty-six  guns  respectively, 
"  for  the  protection  and  defence  of  the  United  Colo 
nies."  By  this  vote  Congress  was  fully  committed 
to  the  policy  of  maintaining  a  naval  armament.  On 
the  same  day  a  committee  of  seven  was  formed  by 
adding  four  members  to  those  already  appointed.1 
This  committee  was  the  first  executive  body  for  the 
management  of  naval  affairs.  It  was  known  as 
the  Naval  Committee  and  the  members  were  John 
Langdon  of  New  Hampshire,  John  Adams  of 
Massachusetts,  Stephen  Hopkins^of  Rhode  Island, 
Silas  Deane*  of  Connecticut,  Richard  Henry  Lee  of 
Virginia,  Joseph  Hewes^of  North  Carolina,  and 
Christopher  Gadsden  of  South  Carolina. 

During  the  closing  months  of  1775  much  legis 
lation  necessary  for  the  organization  of  the  navy 
was  enacted  by  Congress  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  Naval  Committee.  In  the  beginning  there  was 
strong  opposition  to  all  enterprises  of  a  naval  char 
acter,  but  it  gradually  broke  down  before  the  ar 
guments  of  the  more  far-sighted  and  reasonable 
1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  October  6,  7,  13,  17,  30, 1775. 


24    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

members.  November  10  the  Marine  Corps  was 
established.  On  the  25th  captures  of  British  ships 
of  war,  transports,  and  supply  vessels  were  author 
ized  and  the  several  colonies  were  advised  to  set  up 
prize  courts.  The  apportionment  of  the  shares  in 
prizes  was  prescribed.  In  the  case  of  privateers  all 
the  proceeds  went  to  the  owners  and  captors ;  in  the 
case  of  Continental  or  colony  cruisers  two  thirds  of 
the  value  of  a  prize  when  a  transport  or  supply  vessel, 
one  half  when  a  vessel  of  war,  went  to  the  government, 
while  the  captors  took  the  rest.  November  28, "  Rules 
for  the  Regulation  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  Col 
onies  " l  were  adopted.  These  early  navy  regulations 
were  brief,  relating  chiefly  to  discipline  and  prescrib 
ing  the  ration  and  pay.  The  rules  provided  for  courts 
martial,  but  not  for  courts  of  inquiry ;  there  was 
much  subsequent  legislation  on  the  subject  of  naval 
courts.  Pensions  for  permanent  disability  and  boun 
ties,  to  be  awarded  in  certain  cases,  were  provided 
for,  the  necessary  funds  for  which  were  to  be  set 
apart  from  the  proceeds  of  prizes.  The  rules  of 
November  28  were  framed  by  John  Adams  and 
were  based  on  British  regulations.  Adams  was  a 
leader  in  all  this  early  legislation  and  the  part  he 
took  in  the  founding  of  the  Revolutionary  navy  was 
important  and  influential.2 

In  November  the  Naval  Committee  purchased 

1  See  Appendix  II. 

3  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  November  10,  17,  23,  24,  25,  28,  1775; 
Adams's  Works,  iii,  7-11 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  1111. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  25 

four  merchant  vessels  under  the  provisions  of  Octo 
ber  13  and  30,  to  be  converted  into  men-of-war. 
These  vessels,  as  named  by  the  committee,  were  the 
ships  Alfred  and  Columbus  and  the  brigs  Cabot 
and  Andrew  Doria.  The  first  was  named  in  honor 
of  the  supposed  founder  of  the  English  navy,  the 
second  and  third  for  famous  discoverers,  and  the 
fourth  for  the  great  Genoese  admiral.  Other  ves 
sels  were  authorized  and  purchased  from  time  to 
time,  the  first  of  which  was  a  sloop  called  the  Provi 
dence.1 

Definite  action  was  taken  in  Congress  on  the 
Rhode  Island  instructions  December  11,  when  a 
committee  of  twelve  was  "  appointed  to  devise  ways 
and  means  for  furnishing  these  colonies  with  a  na 
val  armament."  Two  days  later  this  committee 
"  brought  in  their  report,  which  being  read  and  de 
bated  was  agreed  to  as  follows :  That  five  ships  of 
thirty-two  guns,  five  of  twenty-eight  guns,  three  of 
twenty-four  guns,  making  in  the  whole  thirteen,  can 
be  fitted  for  the  sea  probably  by  the  last  of  March 
next,  viz :  in  New  Hampshire  one,  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  two,  in  Connecticut  one,  in  Rhode  Island  two, 
in  New  York  two,  in  Pennsylvania  four,  and  in 
Maryland  one.  That  the  cost  of  these  ships  so  fitted 
will  not  be  more  than  66,666J  dollars  each  on  the 
average,  allowing  two  complete  suits  of  sails  for 
each  ship,  equal  in  the  whole  to  866,666|  dollars." 

1  Adams,  iii,  12  ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1938 ;  Jour.  Cont.  Congr., 
December  2,  1775. 


26    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Of  these  frigates,  the  Kaleigh,  of  32  guns,  was 
built  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire ;  the  Hancock, 
32,  and  the  Boston,  24,  at  Salisbury  and  Newbury- 
port  on  the  Merrimac  Kiver ;  the  Warren,  32,  and 
the  Providence,  28,  at  Providence ;  the  Trumbull, 
28,  at  Chatham  on  the  Connecticut  Kiver;  the 
Montgomery,  28,  and  the  Congress,  24,  at  Pough- 
keepsie  on  the  Hudson  River;  the  Randolph,  32, 
Washington,  32,  Effingham,  28,  and  Delaware,  24, 
at  or  near  Philadelphia  on  the  Delaware  River ;  and 
the  Virginia,  28,  at  Baltimore.  The  actual  number 
of  guns  on  a  ship  was  generally  in  excess  of  the 
rate;  a  thirty-two  gun  frigate  commonly  carried 
about  thirty-six  guns.  With  a  few  exceptions  these 
frigates  were  armed  with  no  guns  heavier  than 
twelve-pounders.  The  smaller  vessels  of  the  Revo 
lutionary  navy  carried  only  four-  and  six-pounders. 
All  were  long  guns ;  the  light,  short,  large-calibre 
guns  called  carronades  had  not  yet  come  into  gen 
eral  use.  Some  vessels  carried  a  secondary  battery, 
mounted  on  deck  or  in  the  tops,  of  small  light  mor 
tars  called  coehorns  or  of  swivels,  which  were  light 
guns  mounted  on  pivots.  December  13,  1775,  the 
day  when  these  thirteen  frigates  were  provided  for, 
is  another  important  date  in  the  early  history  of  the 
navy.  On  the  14th  a  committee  of  thirteen  was 
chosen  by  ballot  to  superintend  the  construction  and 
equipment  of  the  frigates.1 

1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  December  11,  13,  14,  1775.  See  Appendix 
V. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  27 

From  descriptions  of  three  of  these  frigates,  fur 
nished  nearly  two  years  later  to  Admiral  Howe, 
commanding  the  British  fleet  on  the  North  Ameri 
can  station,  we  are  able  to  get  an  idea  of  their  ap 
pearance  and  dimensions.  The  Hancock  is  described 
as  follows,  beginning  with  the  figure  head :  "  A 
Man's  Head  with  Yellow  Breeches,  white  Stock 
ings,  Blue  Coat  with  Yellow  Button  Holes,  small 
cocked  Hat  with  a  Yellow  Lace,  has  a  Mast  in  lieu 
of  an  Ensign  Staff  with  a  Latteen  Sail  on  it,  has  a 
Fore  and  Aft  Driver  Boom,  with  another  across, 
Two  Top  Gallant  Royal  Masts,  Pole  mizen  topmast, 
a  whole  Mizen  Yard  and  mounts  32  Guns,  has  a 
Rattle  Snake  carved  on  the  Stern,  Netting  all 
around  the  Ship,  Stern  Black  and  Yellow,  Quarter 
Galleries  all  Yellow."  "  Principal  Dimensions  of 
the  Rebel  Frigate  Hancock.  Length  on  the  upper 
Deck,  140  ft.  8  ins.  Breadth  on  Do.  30.2.  Length 
of  Keel  for  Tonnage,  116.2|.  Extreme  Breadth, 
35.2.  Depth  in  the  Hold,  10.7.  Burthen  in  Tons, 
764.  Heigth  between  Decks,  5.6.  Do.  in  the  Waste, 
5.0.  Size  of  the  Gun  Ports,  fore  &  aft,  2.7.  up  & 
down,  2.2.  Length  on  the  Quarter  Deck,  57.8. 
Length  on  the  Forecastle,  31.3.  Draught  of  Water, 
afore,  14.0,  abaft,  15.10.  Heigth  of  the  Ports  from 
the  Surface  of  the  Water,  Forward,  9.0,  Midships, 
8.2,  Abaft,  9.2."  Then  the  Boston:  "An  Indian 
Head  ^vith  a  Bow  and  Arrow  in  the  Hand,  painted 
White,  Red  and  Yellow,  Two  top  gallant  Royal 
Masts,  Pole  mizen  topmast  on  which  she  hoists  a 


28    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Top  gallant  Sail,  painted  nearly  like  the  Hancock 
with  Netting  all  round,  has  a  Garf ,  a  Mast  in  room 
of  an  Ensign  Staff  with  a  Latteen  Sail  on  it,  and 
mounts  30  guns."  "  Dimensions  of  the  Armed  Ship 
named  the  Delaware.  .  .  .  Length  on  the  Gun 
Deck,  121  Feet;  Keel  for  Tonnage,  96;  Extreme 
Breadth,  32.6.  The  Ship  lately  built,  Mounts 
twenty  four  Guns  on  the  Upper  Deck ;  And  when 
furnished  with  proper  Artillery,  capable  of  carrying 
twelve  Pounders  with  great  facility."  1  The  figures 
for  the  Warren  and  Providence,  from  the  journal 
of  the  committee  in  charge  of  building  those  ships, 
are :  length  on  the  gun  deck,  132  feet,  1  inch  and 
124.4,  respectively;  keel  HO.lOf  and  102.81; 
beam,  34.5J  and  33.10f ;  hold  11,  and  10.8.  The 
committee  voted  to  have  a  few  eighteen  pounders 
cast  for  'these  two  frigates,  and  accordingly  some 
guns  of  that  weight  were  mounted  on  them.2 

Meanwhile,  November  2,  1775,  the  Naval  Com 
mittee  had  been  given  power  by  Congress  to  "  agree 
with  such  officers  and  seamen  as  are  proper  to  man 
and  command  "  the  vessels  they  had  purchased  and 
were  fitting  out.  On  the  5th  the  committee  selected 
Esek  Hopkins,  an  old  sea  captain  of  Providence  and 
brother  of  Stephen  Hopkins,  for  the  command  of 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  Adm.  Desp.  487,  August  28,  1777,  nos.  7  and 
8;  A.  D.  488,  November  23,  1777,  no.  3. 

2  Magazine  of  History,  December,  1908,  and  February,  1909. 
For  the  whole  journal  see  Ibid.,  November,  1908,  to  April,  1909. 
See  Archives  de  la  Marine,  B7  459  (Whipple's  letter  of  May  31, 
1778). 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  29 

this  little  fleet.1  December  7  John  Paul  Jones  "  was 
appointed  Senior  Lieut,  of  the  Navy."2  On  the 
22d  the  Naval  Committee  "laid  before  Congress 
a  list  of  the  officers  by  them  appointed,  agreeable 
to  the  resolutions  of  Congress,  viz :  Ezek  Hopkins, 
Esqr.,  commander-in-chief  of  the  fleet.  Captains, 
Dudley  Saltonstall,  Esqr.,  of  the  Alfred,  Abraham 
Whipple,  Esqr.,  of  the  Columbus,  Nicholas  Biddle, 
Esqr.,  of  the  Andrew  Doria,  John  Burrows  Hop 
kins,  Esqr.,  of  the  Cabot.  1st  lieutenants,  John  Paul 
Jones  [etc.].  .  .  .  Resolved,  That  the  pay  of  the 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Fleet  be  125  dollars  per 
calendar  month.  Resolved,  That  commissions  be 
granted  to  the  above  officers  agreeable  to  their 
rank  in  the  above  appointment."  In  addition  to 
those  named  above  there  were  in  the  list  four  other 
first  lieutenants,  five  second  lieutenants,  and  three 
third  lieutenants.3  This  is  the  beginning  of  a  list 
of  officers  for  the  Continental  navy  which,  in  the 
course  of  the  war  and  including  marine  officers 
and  those  commissioned  in  France,  contained  nearly 
three  hundred  and  thirty  names.4  There  were  in 
addition  medical  officers,  pursers,  midshipmen,  and 
warrant  officers  of  whom  no  lists  have  been  pre 
served.  The  largest  number  of  petty  officers,  sea 
men,  and  marines  in  the  navy  at  any  one  time  may 
have  been  about  three  thousand. 

1  Field's  Life  of  Hopkins,  78. 

2  Jones  MSS.,  October  10,  1776;  Sands's  Life  of  Jones,  33. 
8  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  November  2,  December  22,  1775. 

*  See  Appendix  VI.  ' 


30    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Uniforms  for  the  officers  of  the  navy  were  adopted 
by  the  Marine  Committee  September  5,  1776,  but 
probably  they  were  not  commonly  worn,  as  few 
officers  could  afford  a  complete  outfit.  For  line 
officers  a  blue  coat  with  red  lapels,  blue  breeches, 
and  red  waistcoat  were  prescribed ;  for  marine  offi 
cers,  a  green  coat  faced  with  white  .and  with  a  silver 
epaulette  on  the  right  shoulder,  white  waistcoat  and 
breeches  and  black  gaiters.1 

It  has  generally  been  supposed  that  the  intention 
of  Congress  in  making  Hopkins  commander-in-chief 
was  to  give  him  the  same  rank  that  Washington 
held  in  the  army.  It  seems  more  likely,  however, 
that  Congress  merely  meant  to  give  him  command 
of  this  particular  fleet.  The  wording  of  his  appoint 
ment  by  the  Naval  Committee  and  of  the  resolutions 
quoted  above,  together  with  the  fact  that  each  of 
the  captains  was  assigned,  also  by  resolution  of 
Congress,  to  a  specified  vessel,  would  indicate  this. 
Stephen  Hopkins,  writing  to  Esek  November  6, 
1775,  says :  "  You  will  perceive  by  a  letter  from 
the  Committee,  dated  yesterday,  that  they  have 
pitched  upon  you  to  take  the  Command  of  a  Small 
Fleet,  which  they  and  I  hope  will  be  but  the  begin 
ning  of  one  much  larger."  2  A  resolution  of  Con 
gress  dated  January  2,  1778,  states  that  Hopkins 
"  was  appointed  commander  in  chief  of  the  fleet 
fitted  out  by  the  Naval  Committee."  3  He  does  not 

i  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  181.  2  Hopkins,  78. 

8  Jour.  Con*.  Congr.,  January  2, 1778. 


ESEK  HOPKINS 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  31 

appear  to  have  been  mentioned  officially  and  au 
thoritatively,  that  is  to  say  by  the  Naval  or  Marine 
Committee,  though  he  was  once  by  a  special  com 
mittee,1  as  the  commander-in -chief  of  the  navy.  In 
addition  to  his  own  fleet  several  other  Continental 
vessels  cruised  in  1776,  which  do  not  seem  to  have 
been  under  his  orders.2  Hopkins  was  an  elderly 
man  at  this  time,  having  been  born  in  1718.  He 
had  spent  much  of  his  life  at  sea  and  was  a  privat 
eer  sman  in  the  French  and  Indian  War.3 

Of  the  members  of  the  committee  of  thirteen 
chosen  December  14,  1775,  "for  carrying  into 
execution  the  resolutions  of  Congress  for  fitting  out 
armed  vessels,"  ten  had  served  on  the  committee  of 
twelve  which  had  recommended  building  the  frigates 
and  five  had  been  members  of  the  original  Naval 
Committee.  This  new  committee,  consisting  of  one 
representative  from  each  colony,  became  the  second 
executive  body  for  the  administration  of  naval 
affairs.  It  was  called  the  Marine  Committee  and 
was  at  first  constituted  as  follows :  Josiah  Bartlett 
of  New  Hampshire,  John  Hancock  of  Massachu 
setts,  Stephen  Hopkins  of  Rhode  Island,  Silas 
Deane  of  Connecticut,  Francis  Lewis  of  New  York, 
Stephen  Crane  of  New  Jersey,  Robert  Morris  of 
Pennsylvania,  George  Read  of  Delaware,  Samuel 
Chase  of  Maryland,  Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia, 
Joseph  Hewes  of  North  Carolina,  Christopher 
Gadsden  of  South  Carolina,  and  John  Houston  of 

1  Sands,  310.          2  See  below,  p.  139.          8  Hopkins,  ch.  i. 


32    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Georgia.  The  membership  changed  from  time  to 
time.  The  Naval  Committee  continued  in  the  mean 
time  to  occupy  itself  in  fitting  out  the  small  fleet  of 
vessels  purchased  for  the  service  and  placed  under 
the  command  of  Commodore  Hopkins,  and  to  pre 
pare  for  an  expedition  which  was  being  planned. 
January  25,1776,  although  the  Marine  Committee 
had  already  taken  charge  of  general  naval  affairs, 
Congress  voted  to  leave  the  direction  of  this  fleet 
to  the  Naval  Committee,  which  soon  afterwards, 
this  duty  being  accomplished,  ceased  to  exist.1  The 
Marine  Committee  employed  agents  to  supervise 
the  construction  of  the  frigates  in  the  distant  colon 
ies,  taking  charge  itself  of  those  at  Philadelphia. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  1775  the  organization  of 
a  Continental  navy  was  achieved. 

In  the  course  of  time  the  mass  of  details  con 
nected  with  naval  administration  became  too  much 
for  the  Marine  Committee  easily  to  handle.  Prize 
agents  in  the  various  seacoast  towns  were  appointed 
to  superintend  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  the 
prizes  taken  by  Continental  cruisers.  Most  of  the 
prize  agents  were  also  Continental  agents,  in  which 
capacity  they  performed  various  other  duties  of  a 
naval  sort.  John  Bradford  at  Boston  had  the  most 
important  of  these  agencies.2  For  the  further  relief 
of  the  Marine  Committee  and  at  their  suggestion, 
Congress  appointed  three  persons,  November  6, 

1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  January  25,  1776. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1113,  1114. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  33 

1776,  "to  execute  the  business  of  the  navy,  under 
the  direction  "  of  the  committee.  This  body  of  three 
was  known  as  the  Navy  Board  and  the  men  appointed 
to  serve  on  it  were  John  Nixon  and  John  Wharton 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Francis  Hopkinson  of  New 
Jersey.  The  lack  of  maritime  knowledge  and  ex 
perience  among  members  of  Congress  was  keenly 
felt  at  this  time.  William  Ellery  of  Khode  Island, 
who  had  recently  become  a  member  of  the  Marine 
Committee,  wrote  home  to  his  friend  William  Ver- 
non,  November  7,  1776,  "  The  Conduct  of  the  Af 
fairs  of  a  Navy  as  well  as  those  of  an  Army  We  are 
yet  to  learn.  We  are  still  unacquainted  with  the 
systematical  Management   of  them."1    April  19, 

1777,  another  committee  of  three  was  authorized, 
to  take  charge  of  naval  affairs  in  New  England ; 
the  men  selected  for  this  board  were  William  Ver- 
non  of  Rhode  Island,  James  Warren  of  Massachu 
setts,  and  John  Deshon  of  Connecticut.  The  first 
of  these  boards  was  then  called  the  Navy  Board  of 
the  Middle  Department  or  District,  the  second  the 
Navy  Board  of  the  Eastern  Department,  or  they 
were   called   the   boards   at  Philadelphia   and  at 
Boston  respectively.2 

The  Eastern  Navy  Board,  owing  to  its  distance 
from  the  seat  of  government  at  Philadelphia,  was 
allowed  more  discretion  and  became  a  more  impor 
tant  body  than  that  of  the  middle  department.  The 

1  Publications  of  B.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii  (January,  1901),  201. 

2  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  April  23,  November  6, 1776,  April  19, 1777. 


34    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

greater  naval  activity  in  New  England  waters,  due 
to  remoteness  from  the  centre  of  military  operations, 
put  more  work  and  responsibility  on  the  eastern 
board.  Its  original  members  retained  office  several 
years  without  change.  Their  instructions,  dated 
July  10,  1777,  imposed  upon  them  "the  Superin- 
tendance  of  all  Naval  and  Marine  Affairs  of  the 
United  States  of  America  within  the  four  Eastern 
States  under  the  direction  of  the  Marine  Commit 
tee  "in  " whatever  relates  to  the  Building,  Man 
ning,  and  fitting  for  Sea  all  Armed  Vessels  of  the 
United  States  built,  or  ordered  by  the  Congress  to 
build  in  the  Eastern  Department,  and  to  provide 
all  materials  and  Stores  necessary  for  that  purpose." 
They  were  "  to  keep  an  exact  Register  of  all  the 
Officers,  Sailors,  and  Marines  in  the  Continental 
Navy  fitted  and  Manned  within  "  the  eastern  dis 
trict,  and  were  "  empowered  to  order  Courts  Mar 
tial."  They  were  also  instructed  to  keep  strict  ac 
count  of  expenditures  and  to  do  many  other  things.1 
With  further  experience  it  became  apparent  that 
the  Marine  Committee  was  too  large  and  its  members 
too  deficient  in  special  knowledge  of  naval  science 
to  admit  of  prompt,  capable,  and  expert  hand 
ling  of  the  affairs  entrusted  to  them.  In  October, 
1776,  John  Paul  Jones  wrote  to  Robert  Morris  2 
that  efficiency  in  naval  administration  could  only 
be  obtained  by  the  appointment  of  a  competent 

1  PubL  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  -viii,  207-210. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1106;  Sands,  55. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  35 

board  of  admiralty.  William  Ellery  wrote  to  Wil 
liam  Vernon,  February  26,  1777  :  "  The  Congress 
are  fully  sensible  of  the  Importance  of  having  a  re 
spectable  Navy  and  have  endeavoured  to  form  and 
equip  One,  but  through  Ignorance  and  Neglect  they 
have  not  been  able  to  accomplish  their  Purpose  yet. 
I  hope  however  to  see  One  afloat  before  long.  A 
proper  Board  of  Admiralty  is  very  much  wanted. 
The  Members  of  Congress  are  unacquainted  with 
this  Department.  As  One  of  the  Marine  Committee 
I  sensibly  feel  my  Ignorance  in  this  Respect."1  For 
three  years,  however,  little  was  done  in  the  way  of 
improving  administration  except  the  appointment 
of  the  navy  boards  and  agents.  Finally,  October 
28,  1779,  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Marine 
Committee  a  Board  of  Admiralty  was  established 
by  Congress.  This  was  a  body  of  five  members,  two 
of  whom  were  to  be  members  of  Congress,  while  the 
other  three,  called  commissioners,  were  to  be  men 
possessing  a  knowledge  of  naval  matters.  A  quorum 
of  three  was  necessary  for  the  transaction  of  busi 
ness.  The  Marine  Committee  then  came  to  an  end, 
but  the  navy  boards  at  Philadelphia  and  Boston 
and  the  navy  agents  were  retained  under  this  re 
organization.2 

Positions  on  the  Board  of  Admiralty  were  de 
clined  by  several  to  whom  they  were  offered,  and 
it  was  not  only  difficult  to  keep  two  congressional 

1  Publ  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  204. 

2  Jour.  Con*.  Congr.,  June  9,  October  28,  1779. 


36    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

members  continuously  on  the  board,  but  it  proved  to 
be  impossible  to  find  three  suitable  persons  willing 
to  serve  as  commissioners.  Consequently  the  mem 
bership  was  never  full  and  the  work  of  the  board  was 
much  interrupted  by  frequent  lack  of  a  quorum.  As 
first  organized,  in  December,  1779,  the  Board  of 
Admiralty  contained  three  members  :  Francis  Lewis 
of  New  York,  commissioner;  James  Forbes  of 
Maryland  and  William  Ellery  of  Rhode  Island, 
congressional  members.  A  few  months  later  Forbes 
died  and  his  place  was  taken  by  James  Madison 
of  Virginia.  The  Board  of  Admiralty  was  much 
hampered  by  half-hearted  cooperation  on  the  part 
of  Congress  and  by  want  of  money.  Its  member 
ship  dwindled  to  a  point  where  nothing  could  be 
done  in  default  of  a  quorum,  until  finally,  in  the 
summer  of  1781,  it  passed  out  of  existence.1 

Meanwhile,  February  7,  1781,  Congress  had 
passed  a  resolution  putting  the  affairs  of  the  navy 
under  a  single  head,  to  be  called  the  Secretary  of 
Marine.  No  one  was  found,  however,  to  take  the 
place  and  the  office  was  never  filled.  Robert  Morris, 
who  as  Superintendent  of  Finance  had  close  rela 
tions  with  the  navy,  gradually  assumed  direction 
of  naval  affairs  as  the  Board  of  Admiralty  became 
more  and  more  helpless.  August  29  Congress  voted 
to  appoint  an  Agent  of  Marine  to  take  charge  of 
naval  matters  until  a  secretary  could  be  found,  and 
September  7  it  placed  these  affairs  under  the  care 

1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  November  26,  December  3,  7,  8,  1779. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  37 

of  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  until  an  agent 
could  be  appointed.  The  navy  boards  were  abol 
ished,  although  the  board  at  Boston  continued  its 
functions  several  months  longer.  The  result  of  it  all 
was  that  Morris  continued  to  direct  naval  affairs, 
as  Agent  of  Marine,  during  the  remainder  of  the 
war.  He  had  already  served  on  the  Marine  Com 
mittee  and  his  great  ability,  business  experience, 
and  familiarity  with  maritime  affairs  made  him  the 
best  executive  head  that  the  navy  could  have  had.1 

By  way  of  summary  it  is  perhaps  well  to  review 
in  a  few  words  the  history  of  the  administration  of 
the  Continental  navy.  The  first  executive  of  the 
service  was  the  Naval  Committee  which  in  1775  be 
gan  the  work  of  organizing  a  navy.  Next  came  the 
Marine  Committee  which  directed  naval  affairs  for 
four  years,  ending  in  December  1779.  Then  fol 
lowed  the  Board  of  Admiralty  which  managed  the 
department  a  year  and  a  half,  when,  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1781,  Robert  Morris  took  charge  and  as 
Agent  of  Marine  remained  at  the  head  of  the  navy 
until  after  the  end  of  the  war. 

As  soon  as  representatives  of  the  United  States 
had  established  themselves  in  France,  naval  affairs 
became  an  important  part  of  their  duties.  This  be 
gan  in  July,  1776,  with  Silas  Deane,  the  first 
American  agent.  After  the  arrival  of  Benjamin 
Franklin  and  Arthur  Lee  in  the  following  Decem 
ber,  to  serve  with  Deane  as  commissioners,  they 

1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  February  7,  August  29,  September  7,  1781. 


38    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

shared  the  duties  with  him,  although  he  still  con 
tinued  to  exercise  special  supervision  of  naval  mat 
ters  until  the  spring  of  1778,  when  he  was  super 
seded  as  commissioner  by  John  Adams.  After  this, 
Franklin  did  the  largest  share  of  naval  work,  and 
from  the  time  of  his  assuming  the  office  of  minister 
to  France  in  February,  1779,  he  had  sole  charge 
of  naval  affairs  abroad  until  the  end  of  the  war. 
This  naval  office  in  Paris  had  agents  in  various 
ports  of  France  and  in  a  few  of  Spain  and  Holland. 
It  performed  many  functions,  such  as  buying,  build 
ing,  manning,  and  fitting  out  vessels  and  providing 
naval  stores,  commissioning  officers,  directing  cruises, 
disposing  of  prizes,  exchanging  prisoners,  and  com 
missioning  privateers.  Besides  this  office  in  France 
the  naval  interests  of  the  United  States  in  the 
West  Indies  and  in  Louisiana  were  entrusted  to 
agents.  These  were  William  Bingham  at  Martinique, 
and  Oliver  Pollock  in  New  Orleans.1 // 

The  sentiment  of  local  independence  and  the 
loose  federation  of  the  colonies,  united  only  for  mu 
tual  protection,  naturally  led  to  individual  action, 
and  the  need  that  each  state  felt  of  the  defense  of  its 
own  shores,  too  urgent  to  wait  for  the  deliberations 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  brought  about  the  es 
tablishment  of  separate  small  navies;  so  that,  in 
addition  to  the  Continental  navy,  eleven  of  the  thir- 

^Paullin,  ch.  ix;  Whartou's  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the 
Eevolution,  letters  of  Deane  and  Franklin;  Hale's  Franklin  in 
France. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  39 

teen  states  maintained  armed  vessels,  New  Jersey 
and  Delaware  being  the  exceptions.  Naval  admin 
istration  in  the  various  states  was  generally,  at  the 
outset,  in  charge  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  and 
later,  of  the  state  executive  or  of  a  board  which 
had  under  its  care  naval  affairs  alone  or  in  combin 
ation  with  military  affairs.  The  state  navies  varied 
much  in  size  and  force.  Being  used  chiefly  for  coast 
defense,  the  vessels  were  usually  smaller  than  those 
of  the  Continental  navy,  and  many  of  them  were 
merely  boats  and  galleys  adapted  for  operating  in 
shallow  waters.  Some  of  the  state  ships,  however, 
were  ocean  cruisers  of  considerable  size  and  force.1 

The  first  American  armed  vessels  commissioned 
by  any  public  authority  were  two  sloops  fitted  out 
by  Ehode  Island,  June  15,  1775.  The  people  of 
this  colony  had  been  annoyed  by  the  British  frigate 
Kose,  cruising  in  Narragansett  Bay.  These  sloops 
immediately  went  to  sea  under  the  command  of 
Abraham  Whipple,  and  on  the  same  day,  June  15, 
chased  ashore  and  destroyed  a  tender  of  the  Rose.2 
One  of  the  sloops,  the  Katy,  was  subsequently  taken 
into  the  Continental  service  under  the  name  Prov 
idence.  The  state  of  Rhode  Island  afterwards  kept 
a  small  force  cruising  in  the  bay. 

In  the  course  of  the  war  the  Massachusetts  navy 
comprised  fifteen  sea-going  vessels  and  one  galley. 

1  For  the  state  navies,  see  Paullin,  chs.  xi-xvii. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  July  3, 1775 ;  Historical  Magazine,  April,  1868  ; 
Am.  Arch.,  IV,  ii,  1118 ;  Hopkins,  63-67 ;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D. 
485,  June  19,  1775. 


40    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  after 
some  ineffectual  attempts  in  June,  1775,  to  provide 
for  armed  vessels,  made  a  beginning  August  21, 
by  taking  the  Machias  Liberty  and  Diligent  into 
the  service  of  the  colony.1  The  actual  establishment 
of  a  state  navy,  however,  came  in  the  following 
winter,  when  a  committee  was  appointed  December 
29,  of  which  John  Adams  was  a  member,  "  to  con 
sider  &  report  a  plan  for  fitting  out  Armed  Ves 
sels  for  the  defence  of  American  Liberty."2  In 
decisive  action  looking  towards  a  naval  force  Con 
necticut  preceded  Massachusetts.  Early  in  July, 
1775,  two  vessels  were  provided  for  and  in  August 
they  were  purchased.  A  valuable  prize  was  taken, 
in  October.  Connecticut  fitted  out  twelve  vessels 
during  the  war,  four  of  them  galleys.3 

Pennsylvania  began  July  6,  1775,  by  providing 
for  the  defense  of  the  Delaware  River  by  means  of 
boats  and  galleys.  The  Pennsylvania  navy  consisted 
of  about  ten  vessels  and  nearly  thirty  boats  and 
galleys  for  river  and  bay  defense.  The  fleet  was 
under  the  command  of  a  commodore.4  The  Virginia 
navy,  authorized  by  the  Provincial  Convention  in 

1  Jour.  Third  Provincial  Congress  of  Mass.,  June  7,  11,  13,  20, 
1775.  See  above,  p.  14. 

2  Records  of  General  Court  of  Mass.,  December  29,  1775,  Janu 
ary  11,  February  7,  8,  17,  April  20,  1776 ;  Paullin,  ch.  xi. 

8  Papers  New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  Part  IV,  i  (1893),  34;  Am. 
Arch.,  IV,  iii,  264-268 ;  Paullin,  ch.  xii. 

*  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  495,  510,  511,  858,  862,  1811,  1820,  1836, 
1839,  iv,  515,  521 ;  Penn.  Archives,  Series  II,  i ;  Wallace's  Life  of 
William  Bradford  ;  Paullin,  ch.  xiii. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  41 

December,  1775,  comprised  first  and  last  seventy- 
two  vessels  of  all  classes  including  many  ships,  brigs 
and  schooners ;  but  apparently  most  of  them  were 
small,  poorly  manned,  and  lightly  armed,  and  were 
used  largely  for  commerce.  The  naval  duties  of  the 
fleet  were  confined  mostly  to  Chesapeake  Bay.1 
Maryland  shared  with  Virginia  the  defense  of 
Chesapeake  Bay,  and  in  addition  to  one  vessel  of 
some  size  and  force,  maintained  a  considerable  fleet 
of  galleys,  boats,  and  barges.2  The  chief  concern  of 
North  Carolina  was  to  protect  and  keep  open  Oc- 
racoke  Inlet,  connecting  Pamlico  Sound  with  the 
ocean,  through  which  an  important  part  of  the  com 
merce,  not  only  of  North  Carolina  but  of  Virginia, 
was  carried  on.  A  small  fleet  for  this  purpose  was 
stationed  in  the  sounds.3  Georgia's  navy  was  small 
and  unimportant,  consisting  mostly  of  galleys.  A 
schooner,  however,  was  commissioned  as  early  as 
June,  1775.4  The  defense  of  Charleston  required 
a  considerable  force  and  South  Carolina  was  one 
of  the  first  states  to  begin  the  organization  of  a 
navy.  She  appears  to  have  had  about  fifteen  sea 
going  vessels,  some  of  them  larger  and  more  heav 
ily  armed  than  any  other  state  or  Continental 

1  Southern  Literary  Messenger,  January  to  April,  1857 ;  Virginia 
Hist.  Begister,  July,  April,  October,  1848 ;  Fa.  Mag.  Hist,  and 
Biogr.,  July,  1893;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  114,  866,  v,  227,  vi,  1598; 
Paullin,  ch.  xiv. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  1509,  1510. 
»  Ibid.,  1357,  1363. 

4  Paullin,  ch.  xvi,  for  Georgia,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina. 


42    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ships.  The  force  also  included  several  galleys.1  As 
regards  the  two  remaining  states,  New  York's 
naval  enterprise  was  confined  to  organizing  a  small 
fleet  for  local  defense.  The  early  occupation  by  the 
British  of  New  York  City  and  the  adjacent  waters 
prevented  any  further  operations.2  New  Hampshire 
voted  in  1776  to  build  a  galley  and  appointed  a 
committee  to  procure  an  armed  vessel.  After  this 
her  only  naval  activity,  aside  from  encouraging 
privateering  and  setting  up  a  prize  court,  consisted 
in  fitting  out  a  twenty-two-gun  ship  for  temporary 
service  in  1779.3 

Privateers  composed  the  third  and  a  very  impor 
tant  class  of  vessels  employed  during  the  Revolu 
tion.  The  word  privateer  was  used  at  that  time,  and 
later,  too,  with  the  utmost  disregard  of  its  true 
meaning.  Persons  with  an  understanding  of  mari 
time  affairs  constantly  spoke  of  Continental  and 
state  cruisers,  especially  the  smaller  ones,  as  priv 
ateers.  The  term  was  often  wrongly  used  even  in 
official  correspondence.  It  is  necessary  that  lines 
should  be  sharply  drawn  between  these  different 
classes  of  armed  vessels.  Letters  of  marque,  so  called 
from  the  letters  or  commissions  they  carried,  were 
armed  trading  vessels  authorized  to  make  prizes. 
They  also  were  generally,  and  more  properly,  called 
privateers.  The  latter  name  should,  strictly  speak- 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  180,  iv,  45-54 ;  Paullin,  ch.  xv. 

2  Jour.  Prow.  Congr.  of  New  York,  i,  228,  349;  Am.  Arch.,  IV, 
V,  1401,  1450. 

8  Ibid.,  10,  15,  17,  24;  Pauttin,  ch.  xvii. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  43 

ing,  be  reserved  for  private  armed  vessels  carrying 
no  cargo  and  devoted  exclusively  to  warlike  use. 
All  kinds  of  armed  vessels,  however,  during  the 
Revolution,  even  Continental  frigates,  were  em 
ployed  under  special  circumstances  as  cargo  carriers. 
The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  Novem 
ber  1,  1775,  passed  "An  Act  for  Encouraging  the 
Fixing  out  of  Armed  Vessells,  to  defend  the  Sea 
Coast  of  America,  and  for  Erecting  a  Court  to  Try 
and  Condemn  all  Vessells  that  shall  be  found  in 
festing  the  same."  The  preamble  of  this  important 
measure,  written  by  Elbridge  Gerry,  set  forth  in 
detail  the  justification  of  the  colonists  in  taking  up 
arms.  "  Whereas  the  present  administration  of 
Great  Britain,  being  divested  of  justice  and  human 
ity  and  strangers  to  that  magnanimity  and  sacred 
regard  for  liberty  which  inspired  their  venerable 
predecessors,  have  been  endeavouring  thro'  a  series 
of  years  to  establish  a  system  of  despotism  over  the 
American  colonies  and  by  their  venal  and  corrupt 
measures  have  so  extended  their  influence  over  the 
British  parliament  that,  by  a  prostituted  majority, 
it  is  now  become  a  political  engine  of  slavery;  and 
whereas  the  military  tools  of  these  our  unnatural 
enemies,  while  restrained  by  the  united  forces  of  the 
American  colonies  from  proceeding  in  their  sangui 
nary  career  of  devastation  and  slaughter,  are  in 
festing  the  sea  coast  with  armed  vessells  and  daily 
endeavouring  to  distress  the  inhabitants  by  burn 
ing  their  towns  and  destroying  their  dwellings  .  .  . 


44    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

and  making  captures  of  provision  and  other  ves 
sels,  being  the  property  of  said  inhabitants ;  and 
whereas  their  majesties  King  William  and  Queen 
Mary  by  the  royal  charter  of  this  colony,  .  .  .  did 
grant,  establish  and  ordain  that,  in  the  absence  of 
the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor  of  the  colony, 
a  majority  of  the  council  shall  have  full  power  .  .  . 
for  the  special  defence  of  their  said  province  or  ter 
ritory,  to  assemble  in  martial  array  and  put  in  war 
like  posture  the  inhabitants  of  their  said  province  or 
territory  and  to  lead  and  conduct  them  and  with  them 
to  encounter,  expulse,  resist  and  pursue  by  force  of 
arms,  as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  .  .  .  and  also  to 
kill,  slay,  destroy,  and  conquer  by  all  fitting  ways, 
enterprizes  and  means  whatsoever  all  and  every 
such  person  and  persons  as  should  at  any  time 
thereafter  attempt  or  enterprize  the  destruction, 
invasion,  detriment  or  annoyance  of  their  said  prov 
ince  or  territory,  .  .  .  ;  and  whereas  it  is  expressly 
resolved  by  the  grand  Congress  of  America,  '  That 
each  colony,  at  their  own  expence,  make  such  pro 
vision  by  armed  vessells  or  otherwise  ...  as  their 
respective  assemblies  .  .  .  shall  judge  expedient 
.  .  .  for  the  protection  of  their  harbours  and  nav 
igation  on  the  sea-coasts/  .  .  .  and  it  is  the  duty 
and  interest  of  this  colony  to  exert  itself,  as  well 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  supplies  from  the  enemy 
as  for  those  mentioned  in  the  paragraphs  of  the 
charter  and  resolve  now  recited;  therefore  .  .  . 
Be  it  enacted,"  etc.  This  act  authorized  a  major- 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  45 

ity  of  the  council  to  commission  masters  of  private 
armed  vessels.  During  the  following  winter  and 
spring  other  acts  were  passed  supplementing  or 
superseding  that  of  November  1.  Courts  for  the 
trial  of  prizes  were  established  at  Plymouth,  Ips 
wich,  and  Falmouth  (Portland)  ;  and  April  13, 
1776,  it  was  provided  that  in  addition  to  these  places 
courts  might  also  be  held  in  Barnstable  or  Dart 
mouth  for  the  southern  district,  in  Boston,  Salem, 
or  Newburyport  for  the  middle  district,  and  in 
Pownalborough  (Wiscasset)  for  the  eastern  district.1 
Massachusetts  probably  sent  out  not  far  from  one 
half  of  all  the  American  private  armed  vessels  com 
missioned  during  the  Kevolution. 

The  Continental  Congress  authorized  privateer 
ing  March  23, 1776,  and  on  April  2  and  3  adopted 
a  form  of  Commission  for  privateers  and  resolved  to 
send  copies  in  blank,  signed  by  the  President  of 
Congress,  to  the  various  colonies,  there  to  be  issued 
to  privateersmen  giving  bonds ;  a  set  of  instructions 
for  commanding  officers  was  drafted.2  Several  of 
the  colonies  or  states  used  these  Continental  commis 
sions  altogether,  not  establishing  state  privateering. 
Pennsylvania  sent  out  five  hundred  vessels  under 
Continental  commissions  and,  it  is  believed,  used 
no  others.  Six  hundred  and  twenty-six  Massachu 
setts  privateers  sailed  under  Continental  letters  of 

1  Acts  and  Eesolves  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  No 
vember  1,  1775,  February  14,  March  19,  April  13,  May  8,  1776. 

2  See  Appendix  III. 


46    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

marque,  but  that  state  also  sent  nearly  a  thousand 
others  to  sea  under  her  own  commissions ;  it  is  pro 
bable,  however,  that  in  many  instances  the  same 
vessel  may  have  sailed  at  one  time  under  one  com 
mission  and  later  under  the  other.  New  Hampshire, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Maryland,  and  South 
Carolina,  and  probably  some  of  the  other  states,  is 
sued  their  own  commissions,  but  the  first  four  also 
employed  those  of  the  Congress  —  Connecticut  and 
Maryland  more  than  two  hundred  each.  Sixty-four 
Virginia  privateers  sailed  under  Continental  com 
missions.  The  American  Commissioners  in  Paris  — 
later  the  minister  to  France  —  and  the  naval  agent 
of  Congress  in  the  West  Indies  likewise  commis 
sioned  privateers.  A  rough  estimate  only  of  the  to 
tal  number  and  force  of  American  vessels  engaged 
in  privateering  on  the  patriotic  side  during  the 
Revolution  is  possible.  The  Library  of  Congress 
has  printed  a  list  of  nearly  seventeen  hundred  let 
ters  of  marque  issued  by  the  Continental  Congress 
to  privateers  carrying,  approximately,  fifteen  thou 
sand  guns  —  probably  light  ones  for  the  most  part 
—  and  fifty-nine  thousand  men.  After  deducting 
duplicates,  that  is  to  say,  in  cases  of  two  or  more 
commissions  being  successively  issued  to  the  same 
vessel,  and  deducting  also  armed  boats  and  galleys, 
there  remain  more  than  thirteen  hundred  sea-going 
vessels.  The  thousand  commissions  issued  by  Mass 
achusetts  probably  represented  more  than  seven 
hundred  different  vessels,  after  making  the  same 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  47 

proportionate  allowance  for  duplicates.  Several  hun 
dred  additional  privateers  must  have  been  commis 
sioned  by  other  states  and  in  France  and  the  West 
Indies.  Assuming  the  total  number  of  private  armed 
vessels  to  have  been  two  thousand,  and  there  were 
probably  a  good  many  more,  they  doubtless  carried 
very  nearly  eighteen  thousand  guns  and  seventy 
thousand  men.  There  seem  to  have  been  about  the 
same  number  of  British  privateersmen,  according 
to  Governor  Hutchinson,  who,  speaking  of  the  dif 
ficulty  of  manning  the  British  navy,  says :  "  Some 
have  proposed  pressing  the  crews  of  all  privateers, 
in  which  service  it  is  computed  70,000  men  are  em 
ployed."  *  Judging  from  the  scanty  information  at 
hand  concerning  British  privateering,  it  is  probable 
that  their  vessels  engaged  in  this  form  of  warfare 
were  considerably  less  numerous  but  decidedly  su 
perior  in  force  to  the  Americans ;  the  latter  seem  to 
have  carried  on  the  average  between  eight  and  nine 
guns  and  less  than  thirty-five  men,  the  British  about 
seventeen  guns  and  seventy-five  or  more  men.2 

1  Diary,  ii,  264  (June  27,  1779.) 

2  Jour.  Cant.  Congr.,  March  23,  April  2,  3,  1776,  May  2, 1780; 
Naval  Records  of  Amer.  Rev.  (calendar),   217-495;  Emmons's 
Statistical  History  of  the  Navy,  127 ;  Mass.  Archives,  clxiv  to  clxxii ; 
Penn.  Archives,  II,  i,  366 ;  Papers  New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  IV,  i, 
27;   Sheffield's    Rhode  Island  Privateers;  Paullin;  Diary  and 
Letters  of  Thomas  Hutchinson;  Williams's  History  of  Liverpool 
Privateers,  App.  iv,  list  of  95  vessels ;  London  Chronicle,  April  1, 
29, 1779,  lists  of  100  privateers  from  Liverpool  and  121  from  New 
York ;  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  489,  February  27,  1779,  No.  3, 
list  of  69  New  York  privateers.    See  Appendix  VII. 


48    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Valuable  service  to  the  country  was  rendered  by 
the  privateers,  and  they  contributed  in  a  large  de 
gree  to  the  naval  defense,  and  so  to  the  fortunate 
outcome  of  the  war.  On  the  other  hand,  the  system 
was  subject  to  abuses  and  was  in  many  ways  detri 
mental  to  the  regular  naval  service.  William  Whip- 
pie,  writing  to  Josiah  Bartlett  from  Portsmouth, 
New  Hampshire,  July  12,  1778,  says:  "I  agree 
with  you  that  the  privateers  have  much  distressed 
the  trade  of  our  Enemies,  but  had  there  been  no 
privateers  is  it  not  probable  there  would  have  been 
a  much  larger  number  of  Public  Ships  than  has 
been  fitted  out,  which  might  have  distressed  the 
Enemy  nearly  as  much  &  furnished  these  States  with 
necessaries  on  much  better  terms  than  they  have 
been  supplied  by  Privateers?  .  .  .  No  kind  of 
Business  can  so  effectually  introduce  Luxury, 
Extravagance  and  every  kind  of  Dissipation,  that 
tend  to  the  destruction  of  the  morals  of  people. 
Those  who  are  actually  engaged  in  it  soon  lose  every 
Idea  of  right  &  wrong,  &  for  want  of  an  opportunity 
of  gratifying  their  insatiable  avarice  with  the  pro 
perty  of  the  Enemies  of  their  Country,  will  with 
out  the  least  compunction  seize  that  of  her  Friends. 
.  .  .  There  is  at  this  time  5  Privateers  fitting  out 
here,  which  I  suppose  will  take  400  men.  These 
must  be  by  far  the  greater  part  Countrymen,  for 
the  Seamen  are  chiefly  gone,  &  most  of  them  in  Hal- 
lifax  Gaol.  Besides  all  this,  you  may  depend  no 
public  ship  will  ever  be  manned  while  there  is  a 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  49 

privateer  fitting  out.  The  reason  is  plain:  Those 
people  who  have  the  most  influence  with  Seamen 
think  it  their  interest  to  discourage  the  Public 
service,  because  by  that  they  promote  their  own 
interest,  viz.,  Privateering."  * 

As  intimated  in  the  foregoing,  privateers  at  times 
made  trouble  by  seizing  neutral  vessels.  In  his  ad 
vocacy  of  a  strong  navy  in  preference  to  a  service 
under  private  control  Whipple  was  in  advance  of 
his  time.  William  Vernon,  of  the  Navy  Board  at 
Boston,  wrote  to  John  Adams,  December  17, 1778, 
that  the  Continental  ships  in  port  "may  sail  in 
Three  Weeks,  if  it  was  possible  to  get  Men,  wch 
we  shall  never  be  able  to  accomplish,  unless  some 
method  is  taken  to  prevent  desertion,  and  a  stop- 
age  of  Private  Ships  Sailing,  until  our  ships  are 
Mann'd.  The  infamous  practice  of  seducing  our 
Men  to  leave  the  ships  and  taking  them  off  at  an 
out-Port,  with  many  other  base  methods,  will  make 
it  impossible  ever  to  get  our  ships  ready  to  Sail  in 
force,  or  perhaps  otherwise  than  single  Ships."  He 
wishes  that  "an  Embargo  upon  all  Private  Pro 
perty,  whether  Arm'd  or  Merchant  ships,  may  take 
Place  thro'  all  the  United  States,  until  the  Fleet  is 
compleatly  Mann'd.  .  .  .  You  can  scarsely  form  an 
Idea  of  the  increase  and  groath  of  the  extravagance 
of  the  People  in  their  demands  for  Labour  and 
every  Article  for  Sale  &c ;  dissipation  has  no  bounds 
at  present ;  when  or  where  it  will  stop,  or  if  a  re- 
1  Historical  Magazine,  March,  1862. 


50    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

form  will  take  place,  I  dare  not  predict." 1  The 
expedient  of  laying  a  temporary  embargo  upon 
privateers  was  occasionally  resorted  to. 

A  more  favorable  opinion  of  privateering  is 
found  in  a  letter  of  John  Adams  to  the  President 
of  Congress,  dated  Amsterdam,  September  16, 1780. 
Speaking  of  commerce  destroying  he  says :  "  This 
is  a  short,  easy,  and  infallible  method  of  humbling 
the  English,  preventing  the  effusion  of  an  ocean  of 
blood,  and  bringing  the  war  to  a  conclusion.  In  this 
policy  I  hope  our  countrymen  will  join  [the  French 
and  Spanish]  with  the  utmost  alacrity.  Privateer 
ing  is  as  well  understood  by  them  as  any  people 
whatsoever ;  and  it  is  by  cutting  off  supplies,  not 
by  attacks,  sieges,  or  assaults,  that  I  expect  deliver 
ance  from  enemies."  2 

No  doubt  what  was  then  needed,  as  in  every  war, 
was  a  well-balanced  naval  force  made  up  of  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  fighting  ships  and  commerce  de 
stroyers  in  the  right  proportions.  Privateering  was 
more  popular  than  the  regular  naval  service  on  ac 
count  of  the  greater  freedom  from  the  restraints 
of  military  discipline  and  because  the  profits  were 
larger;  for  privateersmen  were  devoted  almost 
wholly  to  commerce  destroying  and  were  conse 
quently  likely  to  take  more  prizes  in  the  long  run. 
In  addition  to  this  and  besides  having  higher  pay, 

1  Publ  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  256. 

2  Wharton,  iv,  58.  On  the  profits  of  privateering,  see  Channing, 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  51 

the  entire  value  of  their  prizes  went  to  the  owners 
and  captors.  When  the  prizes  of  Continental  cruis 
ers  were  ships  of  war,  one  half  the  proceeds  went 
to  the  captors,  and  in  other  cases  only  one  third. 
In  October,  1776,  Congress  increased  the  shares 
of  the  captors  to  the  whole  and  to  one  half  the 
value  of  these  two  classes  of  prizes  respectively,  in 
order  to  put  Continental  vessels  more  nearly  on 
terms  of  equality  with  privateers.  Bounties  and 
other  inducements  were  resorted  to  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  recruits.  It  would  probably  have  been 
better  if  not  more  than  half  as  many  private  com 
missions  had  been  issued,  provided  that  a  corre 
spondingly  more  powerful  regular  fleet  could  have 
been  put  upon  the  sea.1 

It  occasionally  happened  during  the  Revolution 
that  vessels  built  or  purchased  and  fitted  out  for 
the  Continental  service,  subsequently  found  their 
way  into  one  of  the  state  navies,  or  perhaps  became 
privateers  ;  and  the  reverse  was  also  true  in  one  or 
two  instances.  It  was  also  the  case  not  infrequently 
that  two  or  all  three  of  the  different  classes  of  vessels 
cruised  together  in  squadrons  or  on  expeditions. 
Officers  likewise,  beginning  as  privateersmen  or  in 
state  service,  were  sometimes  transferred  to  the 
Continental  navy ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  unem 
ployed  Continental  officers  and  seamen,  especially 

1  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  April  17,  August  5,  October  30,  1776, 
March  29, 1777,  July  11, 1780.  For  further  discussion  of  privateer 
ing  and  commerce  destroying1,  see  below,  pp.  662,  663. 


52    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

towards  the  end  of  the  war,  sought  service  in  the 
state  navies  or  in  privateers.  For  these  reasons 
there  was  to  some  extent  a  sort  of  blending  of  the 
three  classes  of  sea  service,  both  as  regards  ships 
and  personnel.  The  narrative  therefore  will  follow 
a  more  natural  course  in  describing  the  naval  opera 
tions  of  the  war  to  a  certain  extent  in  a  chro 
nological  or  geographical  order  and  not  strictly 
in  conformity  with  the  classes  of  service  con 
cerned. 

The  disparity  between  the  sea  power  of  America 
and  that  of  England,  great  as  it  actually  was,  will 
be  found  less  marked  than  mere  figures  would  indi 
cate,  when  we  inquire  into  the  true  condition  of  the 
British  fleet  and  of  naval  administration  in  England. 
Our  enemy  had  many  difficulties  to  contend  with 
which  must  be  set  off  against  the  numbers  of  ships, 
guns,  and  men  to  be  found  in  statistical  tables. 
After  the  Revolution  of  1688  the  navy  was  less 
dependent  on  the  King  than  it  formerly  had  been 
and  looked  more  to  Parliament  for  favor,  which  was 
an  advantage  in  some  ways,  but  brought  the  service 
more  into  partisan  politics.  During  the  first  three 
quarters  and  more  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
British  navy  suffered  much  from  corruption  and 
mismanagement  in  civil  administration,  and  at  times 
also  from  incompetent  commanders  at  sea.  Before 
the  end  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  in  1763  a  high 
degree  of  efficiency  had  been  brought  about,  but 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  63 

after  that  a  decided  falling  off  took  place  and  con 
tinued  many  years.1 

It  is  not  easy  to  make  an  estimate  of  the  real 
strength  of  the  British  navy  at  the  time  of  the 
American  Kevolution,for  figures  derived  from  differ 
ent  sources  vary,  and  many  ships  were  sent  to  sea 
in  such  poor  condition  that  they  were  by  no  means 
able  to  perform  the  service  to  be  expected  from 
their  nominal  force.  The  number  of  vessels  of  all 
classes  in  1775  was  stated  to  be  two  hundred  and 
seventy,  including  one  hundred  and  thirty-one  ships 
of  the  line,  that  is,  ships  carrying  sixty  or  more 
guns  on  two  or  more  decks;  in  1783  the  number 
was  four  hundred  and  sixty-eight,  including  a  hun 
dred  and  seventy-four  ships  of  the  line.  During  the 
same  time  the  number  of  men  increased  from  eigh 
teen  thousand  to  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand.  In 
January,  1778,  there  were  supposed  to  be  two 
hundred  and  seventy-four  vessels  of  all  classes  ready 
for  immediate  service,  of  which  ninety-two  were  on 
the  North  American  station  besides  thirteen  at  New 
foundland  and  forty-one  in  the  West  Indies.  At 
the  end  of  the  year  the  total  effective  force  was 
three  hundred  and  seventeen,  while  the  numbers 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere  were  somewhat  reduced. 
These  figures  seem  formidable  when  compared  with 
those  of  the  Continental  navy,  including  Washing 
ton's  little  fleet  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  which  corn- 

1  Hannay's  Short  History  of  the  Royal  Navy,  ii,  2,  101,  117, 
118, 133, 134, 136. 


54    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

prised  altogether,  during  the  whole  course  of  the 
war,  between  fifty  and  sixty  vessels  in  actual  service, 
rating  from  thirty-two-gun  frigates  down  to  small 
schooners  and  sloops.  To  these  are  to  be  added  the 
small  craft  on  inland  waters,  the  state  navies,  in 
cluding  perhaps  forty  or  more  sea-going  cruisers, 
and  the  privateers,  numerous  to  be  sure,  and  capable 
of  inflicting  serious  injury  upon  commerce,  but  in 
no  sense  a  menace  even  to  the  lighter  regular  cruisers 
of  the  enemy.  These  American  figures  of  course 
very  greatly  exceed  the  number  in  service  at  any 
one  time.  Nevertheless  the  British  were  beset  with 
manifold  troubles  and  their  ships  found  plenty  of 
occupation.  The  active  and  fast-sailing  rebel  priva 
teers  required  close  watching  and  led  their  pursuers 
many  a  long  chase.  Supplies  had  to  be  brought 
from  Europe,  and  for  the  convoy  of  these  as  well 
as  of  troop-ships  a  considerable  part  of  their  force 
must  be  diverted  from  purely  warlike  employment. 
The  loss  of  the  seafaring  population  of  America  as 
a  source  of  supply  for  the  manning  of  the  British 
navy  was  likewise  severely  felt  at  a  time  when  naval 
expansion  was  necessary.  In  1778  the  navy  of 
France  and  later  those  of  Spain  and  Holland  entered 
the  contest  against  England  and  threatened  her 
naval  supremacy.1 

1  Hannay,  ii,  210-214,  219  ;  Clowes's  Eoyal  Navy,  iii,  327,  328 ; 
Schomberg's  Naval  Chronology,!,  424,  436,  440,  453,  ii,  1,  36,  68, 
124 ;  Beatson's  Naval  and  Military  Memoirs,  iv,  291 ;  Data  col 
lected  by  R.  W.  Neeser  from  Parliamentary  Reports  and  other 
sources.  See  also  Neeser'g  Introduction  to  Naval  History  Society 
Publications,  iii. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  55 

Yet  a  foe  to  the  British  navy  more  malign  than 
foreign  navies  was  found  in  the  Admiralty  at  home, 
and  that  was  maladministration.  In  1771  the  Earl 
of  Sandwich,  who  had  previously  been  first  lord  of 
the  Admiralty  for  two  short  terms,  was  again  ap 
pointed  to  the  office  and  held  it  until  1782.  The 
administration  of  the  navy  under  Sandwich  was  not 
only  weak,  but  reached  nearly  the  lowest  depths  of 
corruption.  In  1778, "  embezzlement,  larceny,  swind 
ling  "  and  other  like  abuses  prevailed  in  the  dock 
yards.  Money  was  voted  for  repairs  and  the  ships 
were  not  repaired.  "  Vessels  reported  as  well  found 
and  ready  for  sea  lay  in  the  naval  harbours  rotting." 
From  1775  to  1782,  seventy-six  vessels  of  the  navy, 
including  fourteen  of  sixty-four  or  more  guns, "  cap 
sized,  foundered,  or  were  wrecked."  The  nation  was 
charged  with  four  thousand  more  men  than  were 
rated  on  the  books  of  the  navy.  There  was  collu 
sion  between  dockyard  officials  and  shipowners; 
the  former  would  inspect  and  condemn  vessels  and 
the  latter,  having  bought  a  ship,  would  change  her 
name  and  appearance  and  sell  her  back  to  the  govern 
ment  for  transport  service.1  Some  of  the  admirals 
participated  in  the  fruits  of  embezzlement,  and  the 
management  of  naval  affairs  at  New  York  under 
Arbuthnot  was  corrupt.  Maltreatment  of  seamen, 
bad  food,  scurvy,  and  other  evils  were  due  largely 
to  the  dishonesty  of  pursers.  Insubordination  and 
disaffection  resulted,  and  it  was  said  that  from 

1  Belcher's  First  American  Civil  War,  i,  290-292. 


66    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

1774  to  1780  forty-two  thousand  men  deserted 
from  the  navy.  During  the  same  time  eighteen 
thousand  died  of  disease.  Incompetent  medical 
service  was  the  rule,  and  the  mortality,  especially 
in  tropical  seas,  was  appalling ;  but  an  exception  to 
this  is  to  be  found  in  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Rodney, 
whose  surgeon  brought  about  reforms  which  saved 
countless  lives.1 

Charles  Middleton,  the  comptroller  of  the  navy, 
in  the  course  of  correspondence  with  Sandwich, 
spoke  very  plainly  of  the  abuses  in  naval  adminis 
tration.2  In  1779  he  writes,  "  The  desertions 
from  ships  and  hospitals  are  beyond  imagination. 
The  discipline  of  service  is  entirely  lost,  and  to  a 
great  measure  owing  to  admiralty  indulgences,  but 
still  more  to  admiralty  negligence.  The  want  of 
vigour  at  that  board  has  weakened  its  authority  to 
such  a  degree  over  the  officers  of  the  fleet,  that  no 
respect  is  paid  to  its  orders.  .  .  .  For  want  of 
plan,  for  want  of  men  of  professional  knowledge 
used  to  business  to  assist  at  the  admiralty,  and  for 
want  of  method  and  execution,  one  error  has  pro 
duced  another,  and  the  whole  has  become  such  a 
mass  of  confusion,  that  I  see  no  prospect  of  reduc 
ing  it  to  order.  All  I  can  do  at  the  navy  office  will 
avail  but  little  if  the  admiralty  continues  what  it 

1  Belcher,  295-297,  304-308;  Publications  of  Navy  Records 
Soc.,  xxxii,  80-83 ;  Hannay,  ii,  205-210,  214-216 ;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc.,  xliv,  364-368  ;  Data  collected  by  R.  W.  Neeser. 

3  Navy  Eec.  Soc.,  xxxviii,  2-10,  16-30. 


NAVAL  ADMINISTRATION  57 

is  at  present.  It  is,  indeed,  so  wretchedly  bad,  that 
if  I  waited  for  official  orders  and  kept  within  the 
mere  line  of  duty  without  pressing  or  proposing 
what  ought  to  come  unasked  for,  we  must  inevit 
ably  stand  still.  .  .  .  The  whole  system  of  the 
admiralty  is  rotten.  .  .  .  The  dockyards,  from 
a  want  of  proper  attention  to  appointments,  are  in 
a  wretched  disabled  state,  without  spirit,  without 
discipline."  l  In  another  letter  he  says:  "  For  want 
of  proper  men  to  conduct  the  business  at  the  ports, 
no  expedition  is  used  in  refitting  the  ships.  The 
officers  are  not  kept  to  their  duty.  The  men  are 
daily  deserting  in  scores,  and  those  who  remain  are 
inclined  to  mutiny."2  Again,  February  3,  1781, 
after  relating  much  of  the  same  sort,  he  observes : 
"  I  cannot  be  an  acquiescent  witness  of  the  present 
weak  state  of  the  yards,  and  likely  to  continue  so, 
according  to  the  current  arrangements,  at  a  crisis 
when  the  utmost  efforts  of  every  officer  in  every 
department  of  the  navy  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  are  most  loudly  demanded." 3  To  this 
Sandwich  replies:  "  I  have  neither  leisure  nor  in 
clination  to  enter  into  a  discussion  upon  the  subject 
of  the  letter  with  which  you  have  favoured  me."4 
In  1786,  Middle  ton,  speaking  of  Sandwich's  admin 
istration,  says  that  "all  his  successors,  notwith 
standing  their  great  pretensions  to  a  regard  for  the 
public  service,  have  proceeded  in  the  same  way ; 

1  Navy  Eec.  Soc.,  xxxviii,  4,  5,  6.  2  Ibid. ,  7. 

a  Ibid.,  26.  *  Ibid.,  27. 


58    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

and  I  find  politics  have  got  too  great  a  hold  on  this 
branch  of  the  navy  for  me  to  withstand  it."  * 

It  may  be  inferred  from  all  this  that  the  British 
navy  was  less  formidable  than  the  imposing  array 
of  ships  on  the  printed  lists  would  indicate ;  and 
yet  service  traditions  of  the  right  sort  and  fitness 
for  the  sea  gave  the  English  a  superiority  as  a  fight 
ing  force  over  other  European  navies  out  of  pro 
portion  to  their  numbers. 

1  Navy  Eec.  Soc.,  xxxviii,  30. 


CHAPTER  III 
WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1775 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON  took  command  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  at  Cambridge  July  3, 1775,  and  the  siege 
of  Boston  was  closely  maintained  at  every  point 
except  on  the  water  side  of  the  town.  Here  the 
British  received  provisions  and  military  stores 
without  interruption.  It  was  of  great  importance 
to  intercept  these  supplies  as  far  as  possible  with 
a  view  to  distressing  the  enemy  ;  and  furthermore 
the  scarcity  of  the  munitions  of  war  with  the  col 
onists  suggested  their  capture  from  the  British  as 
the  readiest  means  of  obtaining  them.  In  August, 
Washington  had  some  correspondence  with  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts  as  to  the 
advisability  of  fitting  out  armed  vessels  for  the  pur 
pose,  but  without  immediate  result.1 

Accordingly,  there  being  no  Continental  naval 
establishment  at  that  time,  he  determined  to 
employ  detachments  of  the  army,  for  which  he 
required  no  further  authority  than  the  general 
discretion  allowed  him  for  the  effective  prosecution 
of  the  siege.  The  regiments  recruited  in  Salem, 
Marblehead,  Beverly,  and  other  shore  towns  were 
composed  largely  of  seafaring  men ;  the  regiment 
i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  327. 


60    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF   THE  REVOLUTION 

of  Colonel  John  Glover  of  Marblehead  afterwards 
became  noted  for  ferrying  the  Continental  army 
across  the  East  Kiver  to  New  York  after  the  Battle 
of  Long  Island  and  across  the  Delaware  before  the 
Battle  of  Trenton.  Washington  drew  upon  these 
regiments  of  sailors  and  fishermen  for  the  crews  of 
the  vessels  fitted  out  in  the  fall  of  1775. 

The  first  of  these  vessels  was  the  schooner  Han 
nah,  and  Captain  Nicholson  Broughton  was  put  in 
command.  His  instructions,  signed  by  Washington 
and  dated  September  2,  1775,  were  as  follows: 
"  You,  being  appointed  a  Captain  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  Colonies  of  North- America,  are  hereby 
directed  to  take  the  command  of  a  detachment  of 
said  Army  and  proceed  on  board  the  Schooner  Han 
nah,  at  Beverly,  lately  fitted  out  and  equipped  with 
arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  at  the  Continen 
tal  expense.  You  are  to  proceed,  as  commander  of 
said  Schooner,  immediately  on  a  cruise  against  such 
vessels  as  may  be  found  on  the  high  seas  or  else 
where,  bound  inwards  and  outwards,  to  or  from 
Boston,  in  the  service  of  the  Ministerial  Army,  and 
to  take  and  seize  all  such  vessels  laden  with  soldiers, 
arms,  ammunition  or  provisions,  for  or  from  said 
Army,  or  which  you  shall  have  good  reason  to  sus 
pect  are  in  such  service."  Broughton  was  to  send  his 
prizes  into  "the  safest  and  nearest  Port  to  this 
camp  "  ;  papers  disclosing  the  enemy's  designs  were 
to  be  searched  for ;  prisoners  were  to  be  humanely 
treated,  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      61 

and  sent  to  headquarters  under  a  guard  furnished 
by  the  Continental  officer  stationed  at  the  port ;  the 
apportionment  of  prize  money  was  prescribed ;  armed 
vessels  of  the  enemy  were  to  be  avoided,  the  sole 
object  of  the  enterprise  being  the  interception  of 
supplies ;  a  system  of  signals  was  to  be  established 
for  communicating  with  other  vessels  to  be  sent  out. 
The  instructions  concluded  with  the  injunction  "  to 
be  extremely  careful  and  frugal  of  your  ammuni 
tion  ;  by  no  means  to  waste  any  of  it  in  salutes,  or 
any  purpose  but  what  is  absolutely  necessary." l 

Broughton  went  to  sea  September  5 ;  two  days 
later  he  put  into  Gloucester  and  made  the  following 
report :  "  I  sailed  from  Beverly  last  Tuesday  at  ten 
o'clock,  with  a  fair  wind ;  proceeded  on  my  cruise. 
On  the  same  day,  about  five  o'clock,  saw  two  ships 
of  war ;  they  gave  me  chase.  I  made  back  towards 
Cape  Ann,  but  did  not  go  in.  Next  morning  I  saw 
a  ship  under  my  lee  quarter ;  she  giving  me  chase, 
I  run  into  Cape  Ann  harbour.  I  went  out  again 
that  night  about  sunset  and  stood  to  the  southward. 
Next  morning  saw  a  ship  under  my  lee  quarter ;  I 
perceived  her  to  be  a  large  ship.  I  tacked  and  stood 
back  for  the  land ;  soon  after  I  put  about  and  stood 
towards  her  again  and  found  her  a  ship  of  no  force. 
I  came  up  with  her,  hailed,  and  asked  where  she 
came  from;  was  answered,  from  Piscataqua,  and 
bound  to  Boston.  I  told  him  he  must  bear  away 
and  go  into  Cape  Ann  ;  but  being  very  loth,  I  told 
i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  633. 


62    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

him  if  he  did  not  I  should  fire  on  her.  On  that  she 
bore  away  and  I  have  brought  her  safe  into  Cape 
Ann  harbour,  and  have  delivered  the  ship  and  pris 
oners  into  the  hands  and  care  of  the  Committee  of 
Safety  for  this  Town  of  Gloucester,  and  have  de 
sired  them  to  send  the  prisoners  under  proper  guard 
to  your  Excellency  for  further  orders."  This  prize 
was  the  ship  Unity,  loaded  with  naval  stores  and 
lumber.1  It  was  the  first  capture  made  by  a  Con 
tinental  vessel. 

Early  in  October  Colonel  Glover  was  instructed 
to  procure  two  other  vessels  in  Salem  or  Newbury- 
port  and  fit  them  out  as  soon  as  possible.  The  Han 
nah  was  laid  aside,  and  in  her  place  another  schooner 
was  hired,  "of  better  fame  for  sailing."  There  was 
considerable  delay  in  getting  these  vessels  ready  for 
sea.2  Meanwhile  Washington  had  received  the  in 
structions  of  Congress  of  October  5,  to  attempt  the 
capture  of  the  two  brigs  bound  to  Quebec.3  Gov- 
enor  Cooke  of  Rhode  Island  was  unable  to  give  aid 
in  this  matter,  one  of  the  Rhode  Island  vessels  being 
unfit  for  service,  while  the  other,  the  sloop  Katy, 
Captain  Whipple,  was  on  a  voyage  to  Bermuda  in 
quest  of  powder.  For  several  weeks  General  Wash 
ington  and  Governor  Cooke  had  been  corresponding 
in  regard  to  this  enterprise.  The  scarcity  of  gun 
powder  in  the  American  army  caused  Washington 
great  anxiety,  and  at  his  solicitation  the  governor 

i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  668,  683.  2  Ibid.,  946,  948,  994. 

3  See  above,  p.  22. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      63 

had  dispatched  the  Katy  to  Bermuda,  which  at  that 
time  seemed  to  be  the  most  likely  place  to  get  it.1 
The  people  of  Bermuda  were  friendly  to  the  pop 
ular  cause  in  America  and  gave  trouble  to  the 
British  by  their  opposition  to  the  enforcement  of 
laws  forbidding  trade  with  the  Kevolutionists.2 

,  For  the  expedition  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence 
two  of  the  schooners  recently  procured  were  chosen. 
They  were  called  the  Lynch  and  the  Franklin  and 
were  put  under  the  command  of  Captains  Brough- 
ton  and  Selman.  Their  orders  were  issued  Octo 
ber  16  :  "  The  honourable  Continental  Congress 
having  received  intelligence  that  two  north  country 
brigantines  of  no  force  sailed  from  England  some 
time  ago  for  Quebeck,  laden  with  six  thousand 
stands  of  arms,  a  large  quantity  of  powder  and 
other  stores,  you  are  hereby  directed  to  make  all 
possible  despatch  for  the  River  St.  Lawrence  and 
there  to  take  such  a  station  as  will  best  enable  you 
to  intercept  the  above  vessels.  You  are  also  to  seize 
and  take  any  other  transports  laden  with  men,  am 
munition,  clothing,  or  other  stores  for  the  use  of  the 
Ministerial  Army  or  Navy  in  America,  and  secure 
them  in  such  places  as  may  be  most  safe  and  con 
venient."  Captain  Broughton  was  to  command  the 
expedition.  If  they  found  that  the  brigs  had  already 
passed,  they  were  still  to  cruise  off  the  mouth  of 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  36,  69,  137,  461,  631,  653,  654,  682,  710, 
718,  728,  808,  842, 1037. 

2  Brit  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.488,  No.  55,  March  16,  1778. 


64    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  river  as  long  as  the  season  would  permit  and 
attempt  to  seize  all  vessels  in  the  service  of  the 
British  army.  It  was  thought  that  in  case  of  the 
capture  of  Quebec  by  the  Americans,  such  vessels 
would  be  likely  to  come  down  the  river.  Canadian 
vessels,  however,  not  in  the  British  service,  were 
not  to  be  in  any  way  molested.  After  some  further 
delay  the  Lynch  and  Franklin  sailed  from  Marble- 
head  October  21.1 

Soon  after  this,  Captain  Whipple  returned  from 
Bermuda,  where  he  had  been  well  received  by  the 
people,  but  found  no  powder.  The  Katy  was  at 
once  fitted  out  for  a  cruise  to  the  eastward.  In  the 
mean  time  work  had  been  pushed  on  other  vessels 
for  Washington's  fleet  under  many  difficulties,  and 
by  the  end  of  October  four,  in  addition  to  the 
Lynch  and  Franklin,  were  ready  for  service.  They 
were  the  schooners  Lee  and  Warren  at  Salem  and 
Marblehead  and  the  brigantine  Washington  and 
schooner  Harrison  at  Plymouth.  The  Lee,  com 
manded  by  Captain  Manley  of  Marblehead,  and 
Harrison,  Captain  Coit  of  Connecticut,  were  at  sea 
October  29  ;  the  Warren,  Captain  Adams  of  New 
Hampshire,  and  the  Washington,  Captain  Martin- 
dale  of  Rhode  Island,  got  away  early  in  November. 
Their  services  were  needed,  as  the  enemy's  trans 
ports  continued  to  arrive  in  Boston.  Colonel  Joseph 
Reed,  Washington's  military  secretary,  suggested  as 
colors  for  the  fleet  "  a  flag  with  a  white  ground,  a 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1068,  1075,  1076,  1083,  1109, 1134. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      65 

tree  in  the  middle,  the  motto, 4  Appeal  to  Heaven.' " 
This,  the  New  England  pine-tree  flag,  was  used  on 
the  floating  batteries  about  Boston,  and  six  months 
later  was  prescribed  by  the  Provincial  Congress 
for  the  Massachusetts  navy.1 

The  Lynch  and  Franklin  arrived  in  the  Strait 
of  Canso  early  in  November  and  cruised  in  this 
neighborhood  about  two  weeks,  not  being  able  to 
get  further  at  that  time  on  account  of  head  winds. 
They  took  a  few  small  vessels  which  were  after 
wards  released,  not  being  considered  lawful  prize. 
November  17  they  appeared  before  Charlottetown, 
the  capital  of  the  Island  of  St.  John's  (Prince 
Edward  Island).  This  was  the  farthest  point  they 
reached.  Here  the  conduct  of  Broughton  and  Sel- 
maii  showed  a  singular  want  of  propriety  for  which 
their  only  excuse  seems  to  have  been  the  informa 
tion  they  had  received  that  preparations  were  be 
ing  carried  on  there  for  assisting  in  the  defense  of 
Quebec.  They  supposed  they  "  should  do  essential 
service  by  breaking  up  a  nest  of  recruits  intended 
to  be  sent  against  Montgomery,  who  commanded 
our  forces  in  Quebeck."  In  the  excess  of  their  zeal 
the  Americans  seized  both  public  and  private  prop 
erty  and  brought  away  as  prisoners  three  prominent 
citizens,  including  the  acting  governor.  Upon  ar 
riving  at  Cambridge,  these  men  were  promptly 
released  and  their  property  restored  by  General 

i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1083,  1126,  1134,  1167, 1181,  1182, 1208, 
1246, 1250,  1251, 1345  ;  Bee.  Gen.  Court  Mass.,  April  29,  1776. 


66    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Washington,  who  severely  reproved  Broughton  and 
Selman.  Washington  was  disappointed  and  dissatis 
fied  with  the  results  of  this  enterprise,  and  believed 
that  if  they  had  gone  farther  and  cruised  in  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  "  all  the  vessels  coming  down 
that  river  must  [have  fallen]  into  their  hands." 1 

Meanwhile  the  other  vessels  of  Washington's  lit 
tle  fleet  cruised  with  more  or  less  success.  The  Har 
rison  brought  two  prizes  into  Plymouth  November 
6 ;  they  were  a  schooner  and  sloop  from  Nova  Scotia 
bound  to  Boston  with  provisions.  As  the  season 
advanced  and  the  weather  became  severe,  some  of 
these  soldier  sailors  grew  discontented  and  trouble 
some.  William  Watson,  Washington's  agent  at 
Plymouth,  on  November  23  found  the  crew  of  the 
Harrison  "  an  uneasy  set  of  fellows  who  have  got 
soured  by  the  severity  of  the  season,"  and  on  the 
29th  he  wrote  to  the  commander-in-chief  u  that  the 
people  on  board  the  Brigantine  Washington  are  in 
general  discontented  and  have  agreed  to  do  no  duty 
on  board  said  vessel,  and  say  that  they  enlisted  to 
serve  in  the  army  and  not  as  marines.  I  believe 
Capt.  Martindale  has  done  all  in  his  power  to  make 
things  easy.  His  people  really  appear  to  me  to  be 
a  set  of  the  most  unprincipled  abandoned  fellows  I 
ever  saw.  I  am  very  apprehensive  that  little  is  to 
be  expected  from  fellows  drawn  promiscuously  from 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1337,  1379,  1407,  1419,  iv,  158,  178,  181, 
214,  451 ;  Salem  Gazette,  July  22,  1856,  quoted  in  Waite's  Origin 
of  the  American  Navy. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      67 

the  army  for  this  business ;  but  that  if  people  were 
enlisted  for  the  purpose  of  privateering,  much  might 
be  expected  from  them."  Washington  wrote  to  the 
President  of  Congress  December  4  :  "  The  plague, 
trouble  and  vexation  I  have  had  with  the  crews  of 
all  the  armed  vessels  is  inexpressible.  I  do  believe 
there  is  not  on  earth  a  more  disorderly  set.  Every 
time  they  come  into  port  we  hear  of  nothing  but 
mutinous  complaints.  Manly's  success  has  lately, 
and  but  lately,  quieted  his  people.  The  crews  of  the 
Washington  and  Harrison  have  actually  deserted 
them,  so  that  I  have  been  under  the  necessity  of 
ordering  the  agent  to  lay  the  latter  up,  and  get 
hands  for  the  other  on  the  best  terms  he  could."  On 
the  same  day,  however,  news  of  a  fortunate  cruise 
of  Captain  Manley  having  reached  Plymouth,  Wat 
son  wrote :  "  After  repairing  on  board  the  brig 
Saturday  night,  inquiring  into  the  cause  of  the  un 
easiness  among  the  people  and  finding  it  principally 
owing  to  their  want  of  clothing,  and  after  supply 
ing  them  with  what  they  wanted,  the  whole  crew,  to 
a  man,  gave  three  cheers  and  declared  their  readi 
ness  to  go  to  sea  the  next  morning.  The  warm 
weather  at  that  tune  and  the  news  of  Captain  Man 
ly's  good  success  had  a  very  happy  influence  on  the 
minds  of  the  people." 1 

John  Manley  was  the  most  successful  of  the 
captains  and  was  regarded  by  Washington  with 
especial  favor.  He  was  about  forty-two  years  of  age 

i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1378,  1658,  1713,  iv,  179,  181. 


68    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

and  of  English  birth,  but  had  lived  since  early 
manhood  in  Marblehead.  His  vessel,  the  Lee,  was 
a  seventy-two  ton  schooner  carrying  a  large  square- 
sail  on  the  fore  topmast ;  she  mounted  four  four- 
pounders  and  ten  swivels,  and  was  manned  by  fifty 
soldiers  from  Glover's  regiment.  Early  in  Novem 
ber  Manley  captured  two  or  three  small  vessels. 
About  the  middle  of  the  month  a  British  frigate 
arrived  at  Boston  with  another  vessel  under  convoy. 
It  was  learned  that  a  third  vessel  which  had  been 
with  them  had  not  arrived.  Manley,  who  happened 
to  be  at  Beverly,  received  this  information  from 
headquarters  and  immediately  went  to  sea  in  search 
of  the  belated  vessel.  On  the  29th  he  sighted  a 
sail  which  proved  to  be  the  object  of  his  search,  the 
brigantine  Nancy,  which  when  overhauled  sur 
rendered  without  resistance  and  was  taken  into 
Gloucester.  The  Nancy  carried  a  large  cargo  of  ord 
nance  and  military  stores  which  were  of  the  utmost 
value  to  the  American  army.  Besides  other  things 
there  were  two  thousand  muskets,  thirty-one  tons 
of  musket  shot,  three  thousand  round  shot,  several 
barrels  of  powder,  and  a  thirteen-inch  brass  mortar, 
which  promised  to  be  most  useful  in  the  siege  of 
Boston.  A  few  days  later  the  mortar  was  "  fixed 
on  its  bed  before  the  Continental  Laboratory  [in 
Cambridge] .  It  is  called  The  Congress,  and  is  pro 
nounced  to  be  the  noblest  piece  of  ordnance  ever 
landed  in  America." l  Manley  continued  his  cruise, 

1  N.  E.  Chronicle,  December  7,  1775. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND   1776      69 

and  within  a  few  days  captured  a  three  hundred 
ton  ship  called  the  Concord.  A  little  later  he  took 
two  other  vessels  and  still  another  before  the  end 
of  the  year.  On  board  one  of  these  prizes  were  im 
portant  letters  of  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  gov 
ernor  of  Virginia.1 

In  regard  to  the  capture  of  the  Nancy,  Lord 
Sandwich,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Admiralty,  said : 
"  The  loss  of  the  ordnance  store  ship  is  a  fatal  event, 
and  by  what  Mr.  Pringle  tells  me,  has  been  most 
probably  owing  to  the  treachery  of  the  master,  who 
went  out  under  convoy  which  he  parted  from  on 
his  passage  and  tho'  a  frigate  on  the  coast  of  Amer 
ica,  which  he  met  at  sea,  took  him  under  her  pro 
tection,  he  parted  from  her  also  and  continued  to 
be  beating  backwards  and  forwards  near  the  shore 
till  he  was  picked  up  by  the  enemy's  whaleboats."  2 

From  the  preceding  narrative  it  appears  that  the 
close  of  the  year  1775  found  the  Americans  begin 
ning  in  a  resolute  if  somewhat  feeble  way  to  curtail 
in  a  slight  measure  the  complete  control  of  the  sea 
held  by  their  enemy.  In  a  letter  to  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  dated  November  27,  before  Manley's  more  not 
able  successes,  Washington  sums  up  the  situation  in 
New  England  waters :  "  In  answer  to  your  inquiries 
respecting  armed  vessels,  there  are  none  of  any  tol 
erable  force  belonging  to  this  Government.  I  know 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1537,  1721,  1722,  iv,  168,  179, 180,  181, 
214,  227,314  ;  Coll  Essex  Institute,  January,  1909 ;  Boston  Gazette, 
December  4,  25,  1775  ;  Mass.  Spy,  December  15,  1775. 

2  Hist.  Manuscripts  Commission,  Stopford-Sackville  MSS-,  20. 


70    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

of  but  two  of  any  kind  ;  those  very  small."  He 
doubtless  alludes  to  the  Machias  Liberty  and  Dili 
gent  and  to  the  provincial  government  of  Massachu 
setts.  "  At  the  Continental  expense  I  have  fitted  out 
six,  two  of  which  are  upon  the  cruise  directed  by 
Congress ;  the  rest  ply  about  Capes  Cod  and  Ann, 
as  yet  to  very  little  purpose.  These  vessels  are  all 
manned  by  officers  and  soldiers,  but  how  far,  as 
they  are  upon  the  old  establishment  which  has  not 
more  than  a  month  to  exist,  they  can  be  ordered  off 
this  station,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say ;  but  sup 
pose  they  might  be  engaged  anew.  Belonging  to 
Providence  there  are  two  armed  vessels,  and  I  am 
told  Connecticut  has  one."  1  As  it  was  usual  to  call 
most  armed  vessels  privateers,  references  to  them 
in  the  newspapers  and  in  correspondence  cannot  be 
relied  on,  but  presumably  some  of  those  commis 
sioned  by  Massachusetts  had  begun  to  cruise  by  the 
end  of  the  year.  Colonel  Joseph  Ward,  writing  to 
John  Adams  from  the  camp  at  Koxbury  December 
3,  expresses  his  belief  that  naval  enterprise  on  the 
part  of  the  separate  colonies  will  bring  the  best 
results.2 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1776,  Washington  ap 
pointed  Manley  commodore  of  his  fleet  and  he 
hoisted  his  pennant  on  board  the  schooner  Hancock, 
which  had  just  been  added  to  the  force.  The  terms 
of  enlistment  of  the  soldiers  who  had  manned  the 
vessels  having  just  expired,  new  crews  were  recruited 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  1687.  2  Adams  MSS. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      71 

from  the  seafaring  population  along  shore.  All  the 
vessels  received  new  commanders.  Daniel  Waters 
took  the  Lee,  Samuel  Tucker  the  Franklin,  Charles 
Dyar  the  Harrison,  John  Ayres  the  Lynch,  and 
William  Burke  the  Warren.  The  commissions  and 
instructions  of  the  first  three  of  these  captains  were 
dated  January  20 ;  of  the  other  two,  February  1. 
The  Washington,  Captain  Martindale,  had  been 
captured  by  the  British  frigate  Fowey  off  Cape  Ann 
in  December,  and  taken  into  Boston.1 

In  January,  Manley  took  two  prizes  off  Nan- 
tasket  and  was  convoying  them  to  Plymouth  when 
he  fell  in  with  a  British  eight-gun  schooner  and 
had  a  brisk  engagement  in  sight  of  the  enemy's  fleet 
in  Nantasket  Roads.  The  schooner  sheered  off  and 
ran  into  Boston  Harbor.  Washington  wrote  to  Man- 
ley,  January  28 :  "  I  received  your  agreeable  letter 
of  the  26th  instant  giving  an  account  of  your  having 
taken  and  carried  into  Plymouth  two  of  the  enemy's 
transports.  Your  conduct  in  engaging  the  eight-gun 
schooner  with  so  few  hands  as  you  went  out  with, 
your  attention  in  securing  your  prizes  and  your 
general  good  behavior  since  you  first  engaged  in  the 
service,  merit  my  and  your  country's  thanks."  He 
goes  on  to  suggest  appointing  stations  for  the  dif 
ferent  vessels,  so  as  to  give  a  better  chance  of  inter 
cepting  the  enemy's  supplies,  saying  that  the  other 

1  Coll  Essex  Inst.,  January,  1909 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  257,  791, 
793, 910  ;  Sheppard's  Life  of  Tucker,  31-35, 49, 50 ;  Boston  Gazette, 
January  1, 1776 ;  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  485 ,  December  15,  1775. 


72    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

captains,  having  been  instructed  to  take  orders  from 
Manley,  dared  not  disobey ;  "  I  wish  you  could  in 
spire  the  captains  of  the  other  armed  schooners 
under  your  command  with  some  of  your  activity  and 
industry." l  A  few  days  later  Manley  had  another 
encounter  with  the  enemy.  As  he  "  was  coming  out 
of  Plymouth  January  30,  an  armed  brig  (which  went 
from  Boston  for  the  purpose  of  taking  him,  as  he 
supposed)  gave  him  chase,  upon  which  he  ran  his 
vessel  on  shore  a  little  south  of  the  North  River  in 
Scituate.  The  brig  came  to  anchor  and  fired  not  less 
than  four  hundred  times  upon  the  privateer ;  but, 
very  remarkable,  no  man  was  even  wounded.  One 
ball  entered  the  stern  and  passed  but  about  six 
inches  from  Captain  Manly,  who"  was  confined  by 
sickness  in  his  cabin.  The  next  day  one  hundred 
and  thirty  balls  were  found  upon  the  adjacent  shore. 
Besides  the  above,  which  is  from  a  correspondent 
near  where  the  affair  happened,  we  hear  that  after 
the  brig  ceased  firing  she  manned  her  boats,  boarded 
Captain  Manly's  vessel  (the  people  being  ashore) 
and  endeavoured  to  set  her  on  fire ;  but  seeing  our 
people  coming  upon  them,  they  were  glad  to  get  off 
without  effecting  their  design.  She  has  since  been 
got  off,  is  refitting  and  nearly  ready  for  another 
cruise."  2  The  Hancock  took  two  prizes  in  March, 
one  of  which  was  armed  and  only  surrendered  after 

1  Ford's  Writings  of  Washington,  iii,  382,  383. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  910  (letter  from  Cambridge,  February  1, 
1776). 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,   1775  AND   1776     73 

an  engagement.  The  Lee  and  Franklin  captured  a 
large  brigantine  early  in  February  and  sent  her  into 
Gloucester.1 

Meanwhile,  during  the  occupation  of  Boston  by 
the  British,  other  vessels  than  those  of  Washington's 
fleet  were  cruising  in  Massachusetts  Bay  and  to 
the  eastward.  In  December  the  Rhode  Island  sloop 
Katy,  Captain  Whipple,  captured  one  of  the  enemy's 
ships.  The  privateer  Yankee  Hero  of  Newburyport 
cruised  in  February  and  March  with  success.  Among 
the  prizes  taken  was  "  a  large  Ship  from  and  own'd 
in  London,  laden  with  Coal,  Cheese  and  Porter, 
bound  for  the  Ministerial  Assassins  at  Boston." 
February  26, 1776,  fifteen  prizes  were  advertised 
to  be  tried  at  Ipswich,  and  March  25,  twelve  others 
at  Plymouth.2 

The  great  event  of  the  month  of  March  was 
heralded  with  a  joy  which  found  expression  in  some 
what  extravagant  language.  On  the  18th  the  evac 
uation  of  Boston  was  announced  in  the  "  Gazette," 
which  was  published  at  Watertown :  "  On  Friday 
[March  15]  it  was  reported  they  were  plundering 
the  town,  breaking  and  destroying  everything  they 
could  not  carry  away.  And  yesterday  morning  this 
last  account  was  verified  by  the  speedy  and  precip- 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  863,883,910,  936,  v,196,  834 ;  Washington, 
iii,  382,  403 ;  Tucker,  56  ;  Coll.  Essex  Inst.,  January,  1909 ;  Boston 
Gazette,  January  22,  29,  February  12,  March  11,  18,  1776;  N.  E. 
Chronicle,  February  1,  8,  1776. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  December  11, 1775,  January  22,  February  19, 
26,  March  4,  18,  25,  1776 ;  Mass.  Spy,  January  26,  1776. 


74    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

itate  retreat  of  the  whole  of  the  Ministerial  butch 
ering,  murdering  and  plundering  Banditti  of  Lord 
North's  mercenaries."  March  22,  Colonel  Joseph 
"Ward  wrote  to  John  Adams :  "  The  17th  Inst.  the 
Pirates  all  abandoned  their  Works  in  Boston  & 
Charlestown  &  went  on  board  their  Ships,  &  on  the 
20th  they  burnt  &  destroyed  the  Works  on  Castle 
Island.  They  now  lye  in  Nantasket  Road  waiting 
for  a  fair  wind ;  we  keep  a  vigilant  eye  over  them 
lest  they  should  make  an  attack  on  some  unexpected 
quarter." 1 

Soon  after  the  evacuation  Washington  went  to 
New  York  with  the  main  army,  leaving  General 
Artemas  Ward  in  command  at  Boston.  The  fleet 
then  passed  under  Ward's  orders.  Captain  Manley 
was  appointed  to  command  one  of  the  new  frigates 
authorized  by  Congress  in  December,  1775,  and 
gave  up  the  schooner  Hancock  to  Captain  Tucker; 
and  the  Franklin  was  commanded  for  a  short  time 
by  James  Mugford  of  Marblehead.  The  Hancock 
on  May  7  captured  two  brigs  off  Boston  Harbor  in 
sight  of  two  or  three  British  men-of-war  at  anchor, 
which  had  remained  after  the  evacuation.  The 
prizes  were  taken  into  Lynn.2 

On  May  17  the  Franklin  captured  the  ship  Hope 
with  a  large  cargo  of  military  stores  including 
seventy-five  tons  of  powder.  Mugford  took  his  prize 

1  Boston  Gazette,  March  18,  1776  ;  Adams  MSS. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  396 ;  N.  E.  Chronicle,  May  9,  1776 ;  Boston 
Gazette,  May  13,  1776. 


JAMES  MUGFORD 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776      75 

into  Boston,  running  by  the  British  fleet  in  the 
harbor.  "  The  enemy  on  board  the  men  of  war  be 
low,  intolerably  vexed  and  chagrined  that  the  above 
ship  should  be  taken  and  unloaded  in  their  open 
view,  formed  a  design  of  wreaking  their  vengeance 
on  the  gallant  Capt.  Mugford,  who  took  her.  The 
Sunday  following  [May  19]  Capt.  Mugford,  in 
company  with  capt.  Cunningham  in  the  Lady  Wash 
ington,  a  small  privateer  armed  with  swivels,  blund 
erbusses  and  muskets,  fell  down  in  order  to  go  out 
in  the  bay.  The  enemy  observed  their  sailing  and 
fitted  out  a  fleet  of  boats  for  the  purpose  of  sur 
prizing  and  taking  them  in  the  night ;  and  the 
Franklin's  running  aground  in  the  Gut  gave  them 
a  good  opportunity  for  executing  their  plan.  The 
Lady  Washington  came  to  anchor  near  capt.  Mug- 
ford,  and  between  9  and  10  o'clock  he  discovered 
a  number  of  boats  which  he  hailed  and  received  for 
answer,  that  they  were  from  Boston.  He  ordered 
them  to  keep  off,  or  he  would  fire  upon  them.  They 
begged  him  for  God's  sake  not  to  fire,  for  they  were 
going  on  board  him.  Capt.  Mugford  instantly  fired 
and  was  followed  by  all  his  men,  and  cutting  his 
cable  bro't  his  broadside  to  bear,  when  he  discharged 
his  cannon  loaded  with  musket  ball  directly  in  upon 
them.  Before  the  cannon  could  be  charged  a  second 
time,  2  or  3  boats  were  alongside,  each  of  them 
supposed  to  have  as  many  men  on  board  as  the 
Franklin,  which  were  only  21,  including  officers. 
By  the  best  accounts  there  were  not  less  than  13 


76    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

boats  in  all,  many  of  them  armed  with  swivels  and 
having  on  board,  at  the  lowest  computation,  200 
men.  Capt.  Mugford  and  his  men  plied  those  along 
side  so  closely  with  fire  arms  and  spears  and  with 
such  intrepidity,  activity  and  success,  that  two  boats 
were  soon  sunk  and  all  the  men  either  killed  or 
drowned.  But  while  the  heroic  Mugford,  with  out 
stretched  arms,  was  righteously  dealing  death  and 
destruction  to  our  base  and  unnatural  enemies,  he 
received  a  fatal  ball  in  his  body,  which  in  a  few 
minutes  put  a  period  to  a  life,  from  which,  had  it 
been  spared,  his  oppressed  country  would  undoubt 
edly  have  reaped  very  eminent  advantages.  After 
our  brave  men  had  maintained  this  unequal  contest 
for  about  half  an  hour,  the  enemy  thought  proper 
to  retire.  The  carnage  among  them  must  have  been 
great,  for  besides  the  two  boat  loads  killed  and 
drowned  many  were  doubtless  killed  and  wounded 
on  board  the  others.  Great  execution  was  done  by 
the  spears.  One  man  with  that  weapon  is  positive 
of  having  killed  nine  of  the  enemy.  The  number 
of  boats  which  attacked  the  Franklin  was  about  8 
or  9.  The  remainder,  to  the  number  of  4  or  5,  at 
the  same  time  attacked  Capt.  Cunningham  in  the 
Lady  Washington,  who  then  had  on  board  only  6 
men  besides  himself.  This  brave  little  company  gave 
the  boats  such  a  warm  reception  that  the  enemy 
were  soon  glad  to  give  over  the  contest,  after  suffer 
ing,  it  is  thought,  considerable  loss." l 
1  Boston  Gazette,  May  20,  27, 1776;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  495, 496. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776     77 

General  Ward's  report  of  May  20  differs  some 
what  from  the  above  as  to  the  manner  of  Mug- 
ford's  death.  He  says :  "  Captain  Mugford  was  very 
fiercely  attacked  by  twelve  or  thirteen  boats  full  of 
men,  but  he  and  his  men,  exerted  themselves  with 
remarkable  bravery,  beat  off  the  enemy,  sunk  sev 
eral  of  their  boats,  and  killed  a  number  of  their 
men ;  it  is  supposed  they  lost  sixty  or  seventy.  The 
intrepid  Captain  Mugford  fell  a  little  before  the 
enemy  left  his  schooner ;  he  was  run  through  with 
a  lance  while  he  was  cutting  off  the  hands  of  the 
pirates  as  they  were  attempting  to  board  him,  and 
it  is  said  that  with  his  own  hands  he  cut  off  five 
pairs  of  theirs.  No  other  man  was  killed  or  wounded 
on  board  the  Franklin.  .  .  .  Mr.  Mugford  was  not 
commissioned  Captain  of  the  Franklin,  but  Master ; 
and  as  the  other  officers  had  left  the  schooner,  he 
took  command."  A  week  later  Ward  gave  further 
details  as  to  the  part  taken  by  the  Lady  Washing 
ton  :  "  The  Franklin  had  twenty-one  men,  officers 
included ;  the  Lady  Washington  had  seven,  Captain 
Cunningham  commander.  She  was  attacked  by  five 
boats,  which  were  supposed  to  contain  near  or  quite 
a  hundred  men ;  but  after  repeated  efforts  to  board 
her  they  were  beaten  off  by  the  intrepidity  and  ex 
ertions  of  the  little  company,  who  gloriously  defended 
the  Lady  against  the  brutal  ravishers  of  liberty." l 

In  regard  to  the  Franklin's  prize,  General  Howe 
wrote  from  Halifax,  June  7,  to  Lord  George  Ger- 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  532,  602. 


78    NAVAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

main  :  "  It  is  with  concern  I  am  to  advise  your  lord 
ship  of  another  ordnance  store  ship,  named  the  Hope, 
being  taken  in  Boston  Bay.  She  had  a  large  pro 
portion  of  entrenching  tools  on  board  and,  it  is  said, 
1500  barrels  of  powder.  I  understand  the  master 
was  suspected  of  treachery  before  the  ship  left  Eng 
land  and  that  Captain  Dickson,  commanding  the 
Greyhound,  gave  information  of  the  suspicion  to  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty,  sometime 
before  she  sailed  under  his  convoy." l 

Many  transports  sailed  from  England  for  America 
in  the  spring  of  1776.  It  was  reported  by  a  ship 
master  lately  arrived  from  France  that  a  fleet  of 
about  forty  with  five  thousand  troops  on  board  had 
sailed  from  Plymouth  March  10.2  Another  fleet  of 
thirty-three  troopships  conveying  three  thousand 
Highlanders  sailed  from  Scotland  for  Boston  before 
news  of  the  evacuation  of  the  town  reached  England. 
Some  of  them  arrived  while  the  British  fleet  was 
still  in  the  harbor  and  were  able  to  join  it.  One  of 
them,  however,  early  in  June  was  so  unfortunate  as 
to  fall  in  with  the  schooners  Lee,  Captain  Waters, 
and  Warren,  Captain  Burke,  and  was  captured  and 
taken  safely  into  port.  She  had  about  a  hundred 
soldiers  on  board.3 

In  a  letter  to  Washington  dated  June  16,  1776, 
General  Ward  gives  an  account  of  the  measures 

1  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  35. 

2  Adams  MSS.,  April  30, 1776. 

8  Papers  of  Cont.  Congress,  152,  2,  45 ;  Boston  Gazette,  June  10, 
1776. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND   1776     79 

taken  to  make  complete  the  evacuation  of  Boston.  He 
says:  "The  thirteenth  Instant  at  evening  I  ordered 
five  Hundred  men  with  proper  officers,  a  detachment 
of  the  Train  with  a  thirteen  Inch  Mortar,  two  Eigh 
teen  pounders  and  some  small  Cannon,  under  the 
Command  of  Colo.  Whitcomb,  to  take  post  on  Long 
Island  to  annoy  the  Enemys  Ships  ;  the  necessary 
works  were  thrown  up  in  the  night  and  the  next 
morning  our  Cannon  and  Mortar  began  to  play  upon 
the  pirates,  which  soon  drove  them  all  out  of  the 
harbour.  The  Fleet  consisted  of  thirteen  in  number, 
the  Renown  of  fifty  Guns,  several  smaller  ships  of 
War  and  some  transports  with  Highlanders  on  board ; 
as  near  as  we  could  judge  there  were  about  eight  hun 
dred  Troops  on  board  the  Transports.  They  blew  up 
the  Light  house  as  they  went  off  and  then  put  to  sea 
with  their  Fleet.  I  think  it  probable  they  will  leave 
some  Frigates  to  cruize  in  the  bay.  A  number  of  the 
Colony  troops  and  militia  were  to  have  thrown  up 
some  works  the  same  night  on  Petticks  Island  and 
Nantasket  head,  but  by  some  unfortunate  obstruc 
tions  they  did  not  get  their  Canon  ready  in  time  ; 
however,  they  gave  the  Enemy  a  number  of  Shot  as 
the  Ships  passed  through  the  Channel.  Our  shot 
cut  away  some  of  their  yards  and  rigging  and  several 
sent  into  the  ships  sides,  but  the  Shells  from  the 
Mortar  terryfied  them  most ;  they  returned  a  fierce 
shot  from  the  Commodores  ship  without  any  effect 
and  got  under  sail  with  all  expedition."  *  An  offi- 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  2,  99. 


80    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

cer  of  the  militia,  sent  to  Nantasket  Head,  says 
that,  after  great  and  unavoidable  delay,  guns  were 
mounted  on  Quaker  Hill.  The  fleet  had  already 
dropped  down  and  anchored  opposite  the  lighthouse. 
"  The  Commodore  lay  foremost  and  after  firing  the 
second  shot  he  blew  up  the  Light-House,  and  at  the 
fourth  round  the  whole  fleet  got  under  way  a  second 
time.  Some  of  our  shot  we  have  no  doubt  struck 
him,  as  all  the  boats  in  the  fleet  were  sent  to  tow 
him  off.  He  fired  but  one  shot,  but  we  pelted  him 
till  out  of  reach  of  our  cannon/'1  The  British 
fleet,  commanded  by  Commodore  Banks,  consisted 
of  eight  ships,  two  snows,  two  brigs,  and  a  schooner. 
The  Renown,  with  two  other  men-of-war  and  twelve 
transports,  arrived  at  Halifax  July  6.2 

It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  fleet  of  Scotch 
transports  bound  to  Boston  were  intercepted  by 
Commodore  Banks  and  taken  into  Halifax  with  him ; 
several  of  these  ships  got  safely  into  that  place 
eventually.  But  June  16,  only  two  days  after  the 
last  British  vessel  had  been  driven  out  of  Boston 
Harbor,  two  of  these  transports  unsuspiciously  ap 
proached  the  port.  The  officer  of  militia  stationed 
at  Nantasket  gives  an  account  of  what  passed  under 
his  notice,  as  the  vessels  came  within  view  of  that 
point,  saying :  "  On  Sunday  afternoon  we  saw  a 
ship  and  a  brigantine  standing  in  for  the  Light- 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  946. 

2  Ibid.,  917, 931, 945 ;  Almon,  iii,  201,  235, 236 ;  Boston  Gazette, 
June  17, 1776  ;  Continental  Journal,  June  20, 1776  ;  Adams  MSS.t 
June  16,  1776. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,   1775  AND   1776     81 

House  channel,  chased  and  fired  upon  by  four 
privateers."  One  of  these  seems  to  have  been  the 
schooner  Warren,  Captain  Burke,  of  Washington's 
fleet.  The  combatants  "  frequently  exchanged  broad 
sides.  We,  supposing  them  to  be  part  of  the  Scotch 
fleet,  got  every  man  to  his  quarters  and  carried  one 
eighteen -pounder  to  Point  Alderton  on  purpose  to 
hinder  their  retreat  should  they  get  into  the  road, 
opposite  where  we  had  three  eighteen  pounders. 
About  five  o'clock  the  privateers  left  them  and  stood 
for  the  southward,  when  the  ship  and  brig  crowded 
all  their  sail  for  the  channel.  Our  orders  were  not 
to  fire  till  the  last  [the  brig]  got  abreast  of  us. 
In  tacking,  she  got  aground  just  under  our  cannon, 
when  we  hailed  her  to  strike  to  this  Colony ;  they 
refused  and  we  fired  one  eighteen -pounder  loaded 
with  round  and  canister  shot,  when  she  struck  and 
cried  out  for  quarters.  We  ordered  the  boat  and 
Captain  on  shore  and  then  fired  at  the  ship,  but  being 
quite  dark,  we  supposed  she  had  struck.  By  this 
time  the  privateers  came  up.  A  Captain  of  the  High 
landers  in  the  brigantine's  boat  came  on  shore.  Some 
time  after,  the  ship  got  under  way  and  stood  for 
the  Narrows,  when  a,  fine  privateer  brigantine  [the 
Defence  of  the  Connecticut  navy],  commanded  by 
Captain  Harding  of  New  Haven,  .  .  .  and  five 
schooners  gave  chase.  The  brig  came  alongside,  when 
a  hot  engagement  ensued,  which  lasted  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  when  the  ship  struck.  The  brigantine 
floating,  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  and 


82    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

attempted  to  follow,  both  supposing  the  enemy  in 
possession  of  Boston."1 

The  Defence  had  sailed  from  Plymouth  in  the 
morning.  One  of  her  lieutenants,  Samuel  Smedley, 
says  that  firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  Boston. 
It  was  foggy,  but  cleared  in  the  afternoon  and  the 
vessels  in  action  were  then  seen.  On  account  of 
light  wind  it  was  sunset  before  the  Defence  came 
up  with  the  schooners,  which  were  then  making 
off,  and  learned  that  the  strangers  were  transports. 
"We  made  the  best  of  our  way  towards  them  and 
at  eleven  at  night  found  them  at  anchor  a  small 
distance  above  where  the  Light-House  formerly 
stood.  We  likewise  ran  close  to  them  and  anchored. 
Hailed  them  from  whence  they  came.  They  answered 
from  England.  Captain  Harding  ordered  them  im 
mediately  to  strike.  They,  like  brave  soldiers,  re 
fused  and  immediately  a  very  heavy  fire  began  and 
at  the  end  of  near  two  hours  we  made  them  surren 
der."2  According  to  this  statement  the  Defence 
captured  the  transports  without  any  help  from  the 
schooners,  which  Smedley  accuses  of  cowardice  and 
thinks  should  not  share  in  the  prizes.  General  Ward 
in  his  report  says  "  that  the  Continental  Privatiers 
have  taken  and  brought  into  Nantasket  in  this  Har 
bour  a  Ship  and  a  Brig  from  Glasgow  with  two  hun 
dred  and  ten  Highlanders  on  board."  3  The  losses 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  946 ;  Continental  Journal,  June  20,  1776. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  1127. 

8  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  2,  99. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776     83 

are  variously  stated,  the  lowest  for  the  Americans 
being  three  wounded,  one  of  them  mortally ;  for  the 
British,  four  killed  including  a  major,  and  eight  or 
ten  wounded.  Two  days  later  another  vessel  was 
taken,  with  one  hundred  and  twelve  Highlanders, 
but  whether  by  privateers  or  by  Washington's  fleet 
is  not  clear.  There  were  now  over  four  hundred 
soldiers,  taken  on  transports,  confined  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  Boston.  It  was  reported  that  at  just  about  the 
same  time  two  more  of  these  Scotch  transports  were 
taken  by  a  Rhode  Island  privateer  and  sent  into 
Dartmouth  (New  Bedford),  and  two  others  were 
captured  by  the  Continental  brig  Andrew  Doria.1 

The  capture  of  their  transports  was  disturbing 
to  the  British  authorities,  and  the  Admiralty  called 
upon  Admiral  Howe,  who  in  1776  relieved  Ad 
miral  Shuldham  in  command  of  the  North  Ameri 
can  station,  for  an  investigation,  to  which  he  replied 
in  February,  1777.  In  this  report  was  inclosed  a 
letter  written  by  Shuldham  in  February,  1776,  in 
which,  referring  to  the  earlier  captures  made  by 
Washington's  fleet,  he  had  suggested  "  that  all  Sup 
plies  to  this  Country  might  be  sent  in  Armed  Ves 
sels,  I  mean  such  as  our  Old  Forty  Gun  Ships 
with  only  their  upper  Tier  of  Guns,  for  however 
numerous  our  Cruizers  may  be  or  however  atten 
tive  our  Officers  to  their  Duty,  it  has  been  found 

1  Continental  Journal,  June  20,  1776 ;  N.  E.  Chronicle,  June  20, 
July  4, 1776 ;  Boston  Gazette,  June  24,  July  15,  1776 ;  Letters  of 
John  and  Abigail  Adams,  95,  96 ;  Tucker,  57-60 ;  Stopford-Sack- 
ville  MSB.,  36.  See  below,  p.  116. 


84:    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

impossible  to  prevent  some  of  our  Ordnance  and 
other  valuable  Stores,  in  small  Vessels,  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  Rebels,  and  here  I  must  take  occa 
sion  to  say  that  in  the  course  of  my  Service  I  never 
found  Officers  perform  their  Duty  with  so  much 
perseverance  and  Vigilance  as  ours  on  this  import 
ant  Service ;  indeed  the  firmness  with  which  they 
have  resisted  the  rigor  of  this  long  and  severe 
Winter  in  constantly  keeping  the  Sea  on  their  re- 
spective  Stations  is  unprecedented  and  incredible. 
At  the  same  time  I  must  beg  leave  to  observe  to 
you  the  very  few  Ships  I  am  provided  with  to  en 
able  me  to  co-operate  with  the  Army,  Cruize  off 
the  Ports  of  the  Rebels  to  prevent  their  receiving 
Supplies,  or  protect  those  destined  to  this  place 
from  falling  into  their  hands."  1  Howe's  inquiries 
brought  out  the  fact  that   Shuldham  in  March, 
1776,  had  detailed  seven  small  cruisers  to  remain 
with  Commodore  Banks  in  Boston  Harbor,  in  order 
to  insure  the  safety  of  such  transports  as  might  ar 
rive  after  the  departure  for  Halifax  of  the  main 
body  of  the  British.  Other  service,  however,  pre 
vented   these  vessels  from  being  on  hand  when 
needed.    The  frigate  Milford  and    two  or  three 
smaller  vessels,  with   the  Renown,  made  up  the 
whole  available  force  for  the  protection  of  the  trans 
ports.  Howe  added  that  "respecting  the  Use  that 
has  been  made  of  the  Harbour  of  Boston  as  an 
Asylum  for  the  Rebel  Cruizers  and  their  Prizes, 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487,  February  26,  1776. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776     85 

their  Lordships  knowing  the  Nature  and  Circum 
stances  of  the  Port  will  be  apprised  of  the  Impos 
sibility  to  prevent  an  Enemy  from  profiting  greatly 
by  the  Advantages  of  such  a  Situation."  1 

The  vessels  of  Washington's  fleet  continued  to 
cruise  in  Massachusetts  Bay  during  the  whole  of 
the  year  1776.  Captain  Tucker  in  the  Hancock 
and  Captain  Skimmer,  who  had  taken  Mugford's 
place  in  the  Franklin,  captured  the  armed  ship 
Peggy  and  two  brigs  in  July.  Tucker  is  said  to 
have  taken  thirty  or  forty  prizes  in  all,  of  which 
the  last  was  brought  into  port  in  December  and 
furnished  the  army  with  much-needed  clothing. 
The  operations  of  the  fleet  and  of  other  American 
armed  vessels  were  a  good  deal  hampered  by  British 
cruisers  in  Massachusetts  Bay.  John  Adams  learned 
from  a  correspondent  that  "  Our  Bay  is  infested 
with  3  or  4  frigates  which  have  retaken  some  valu 
able  Prizes  and  interrupt  our  coasting  trade." 2  It 
was  recorded  in  a  newspaper  that  "  Monday  and 
Tuesday  last  the  British  Tyrant  Frigate  Milford 
was  seen  in  our  Bay,  and  to  have  two  Schooners  and 
a  Sloop  as  Prizes.  She  has  taken  the  Continental 
Privateer  Warren,  Capt.  Burk,  and  is  continually 
cruizing  between  Cape-Cod  and  Cape- Ann,  that  we 
apprehend  she  will  intercept  all  our  Trade.  'Tis 
hoped  that  some  of  our  American  Frigates  will  come 
this  Way  and  rid  our  Coast  of  this  inhuman  Plun- 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487,  No.  24,  February  20,  1777. 

2  Adams  MSS.t  September  17, 1776. 


86    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

derer." 1  The  Warren  is  believed  to  have  been  the 
only  one  of  Washington's  fleet  to  be  captured,  ex 
cept  the  brigantine  Washington  taken  in  Decem 
ber,  1775.  Early  in  the  year  1777  the  fleet  was 
broken  up  by  order  of  the  Marine  Committee ;  the 
Lee,  however,  continued  to  cruise  several  months 
longer.  The  vessels  were  disposed  of  as  they  were 
put  out  of  commission,  and  some  of  the  officers 
were  taken  into  the  Continental  navy.2 

Upon  his  arrival  in  New  York  in  April,  1776, 
General  Washington  began  to  fit  out  another  but 
much  smaller  fleet  for  the  defense  of  the  neighbor 
ing  waters.  He  was  aided  by  the  cooperation  of  the 
New  York  Committee  of  Safety.  Two  sloops,  the 
General  Schuyler  and  the  General  Mifflin,  were 
fitted  out.  Other  vessels,  wholly  or  partly  under 
Washington's  control  or  under  the  New  York  Com 
mittee,  were  the  schooner  General  Putnam,  the 
sloop  Montgomery  and  the  galleys  Lady  Washing 
ton,  Washington,  and  Spitfire.  The  galleys  were 
used  in  the  defense  of  the  Hudson  and  the  two  last 
named  came  from  Khode  Island.  The  larger  ves 
sels  cruised,  mostly  about  Long  Island  and  along 
the  New  Jersey  shore,  with  some  success.  In  June 
one  of  the  transports  which  had  been  captured  by 
the  Andrew  Doria,  as  has  just  been  related,  was  re 
taken  by  the  British  frigate  Cerberus  and  was  then 

1  Continental  Journal,  September  5, 1776 ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  116. 

zlbid.,  i,  662,  iii,  685,  799;  Tucker,  61-65;  Boston  Gazette, 
July  8,  August  5,  September  9,  1776 ;  Marine  Committee  Letter 
Book,  59,  62,  114  (February  7,  March  21,  November  22,  1777). 


NEW  YORK  BAY 

AND  VICINITY 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776     87 

taken  again  by  the  General  Schuyler,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Joseph  Davison.  In  the 
same  month  the  Schuyler,  cruising  in  company  with 
the  Montgomery,  recaptured  four  prizes  of  the 
British  frigate  Greyhound.1 

On  August  3,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Benjamin  Tup- 
per  reported  to  General  Washington  the  operations 
of  a  flotilla  of  five  galleys  on  the  Hudson :  "  I  am 
now  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  my  flag  being 
hoisted  on  board  of  the  Washington,  I  came  up 
with  the  Ships  [Phoenix  and  Rose]  &  attacked  at 
J  past  One  this  Afternoon.  The  Pheonix  fired  the 
first  Gun,  which  was  return'd  by  the  Lady  Wash 
ington,  whose  Shot  went  thro  the  Pheonix.  Upon 
my  Orders  the  Lady  Washington  put  about  to  form 
a  Line;  the  tide  was  such  that  the  Washington  & 
Spitfire  was  exposed  to  the  Broad  Sides  of  the 
Ships  for  ^  of  an  hour  without  Suffering  mutch 
Damage.  We  engaged  them  an  hour  &  a  half  and 
then  we  thought  to  retreat  to  Dobb's  Ferry  about 
4  miles  below  the  Ships."  2  The  Americans  lost  one 
killed  and  thirteen  wounded,  one  of  them  mortally. 

Another  account  says  that  the  Washington 
"  came  within  grape  shot  of  the  ships  and  sustained 
their  whole  fire  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  the 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  410,  545,  563, 564,V,  i,  141 ;  N.  E.  Chronicle, 
July  4,  1775 ;  Washington,  iv,  167,  318 ;  Jour.  N.  Y.  Prov.  Congr., 
i,  416 ;  E.  I.  Colonial  Bee.,  vii,  582 ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  2, 131 
(Davison  to  Washington,  June  27,  1776). 

2  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  2,  337  (Tupper  to  Washington,  August 
3,  1776);  ^m.  Arch.,V ,  i,  1QG. 


88    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

other  ships  could  come  up,  the  Lady  Washington 
falling  into  the  line  according  to  orders.  The  Spit 
fire  advanced  to  the  assistance  of  the  Washington 
and  behaved  well.  We  had  as  hot  a  fire  as  perhaps 
ever  was  known  for  an  hour  and  a  half.  The  Wash 
ington,  on  board  of  which  I  was,  had  her  bow  guns 
knocked  away,  many  of  her  oars,  and  some  shot  in 
her  waist.  The  Lady  Washington  had  her  bow  gun, 
a  32  pounder,  split  seven  inches.  The  Spitfire  was 
hulled  between  wind  and  water.  The  Phoenix  was 
hulled  six  times.  We  had  four  men  killed  and  four 
teen  wounded.  Our  force  was  very  inferior  to  the 
enemy ;  the  lower  tier  of  one  side  of  the  Phoenix 
was  equal  to  that  of  all  gallies.  Yet  our  Commo 
dore  resolved  to  attack  them,  and  for  six  small  gal- 
lies  to  lie  near  two  hours  within  grape  shot  of  one 
ship  of  44  guns  and  another  of  24  guns  is  no  con 
temptible  affair." 1 

The  British  account  says  that  at  one  o'clock 
"six  of  the  Rebels'  schooners  and  Row  Gallies 
attacked  us.  We  began  and  kept  up  a  constant 
fire  at  them  for  Two  Hours,  at  which  time  they 
Row'd  away  down  the  River  and  came  to  an  anchor 
in  sight  of  us."  One  of  the  galleys  was  seen  to 
have  sustained  considerable  damage.  The  Phoenix, 
which  had  received  only  two  shot  in  her  hull,  pre 
pared  to  run  down  to  the  American  flotilla,  but 
the  wind  shifted  and  the  pilot  advised  against  it  on 

1  Almon,  iv,  49  (letter  from  Tarrytown,  August  4,  1776)  ;  Am. 
Arch.,  V,  i,  751. 


WASHINGTON'S  FLEET,  1775  AND  1776     89 

account  of  the  narrowness  of  the  channel.1  Two 
weeks  later  the  Phoenix  and  Rose,  at  anchor  in  the 
river,  were  attacked  by  fireships.2  Movements  in  the 
immediate  vicinity  of  New  York  were  brought  to 
an  end  after  the  occupation  of  that  place  by  the 
British  in  August,  1776. 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  487,  August  4,  1776.  See  Mag.  of  His 
tory,  November,  1905. 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  487,  August  17,  1776.    See  below, 
p.  154. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776 

THE  Naval  Committee  was  busy  during  the  winter 
of  1775  and  1776  fitting  out  the  four  vessels  which 
had  been  purchased  in  November  —  the  Alfred,  Co 
lumbus,  Andrew  Doria,  and  Cabot.  Commodore 
Hopkins  arrived  in  Philadelphia  early  in  the  winter 
on  board  the  sloop  Katy,  Captain  Whipple,  which 
brought  seamen  from  Rhode  Island  to  man  the  fleet.1 
The  Katy  was  taken  into  the  navy  and  called  the 
Providence.  Three  other  vessels  were  added  to  the 
fleet  —  a  sloop  named  the  Hornet  and  two  schoon 
ers,  the  Wasp  and  Fly.  The  Hornet  and  Wasp 
were  at  Baltimore. 

On  January  5, 1776,  the  Naval  Committee  issued 
"  Orders  and  Directions  for  the  Commander  in  Chief 
of  the  Fleet  of  the  United  Colonies."  These  gen 
eral  instructions  related  to  discipline  and  to  matters 
concerning  the  management  of  the  fleet.  The  com 
modore  was  to  correspond  regularly  with  Congress 
"  and  with  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  Continen 
tal  forces  in  America."  He  was  to  give  his  orders 
to  subordinate  officers  in  writing,  and  the  captains 
of  the  fleet  were  to  make  him  monthly  returns  of 

1  Hopkins,Sl ;  B.I.  Hist.  Mag.Julj,  1885,  journal  of  Lieutenant 
Trevett. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776      91 

conditions  on  board  each  vessel,  the  state  of  the  ship 
and  of  the  crew  and  the  quantity  of  stores  and  pro 
visions.  He  was  to  give  directions  for  the  captains 
to  follow  in  case  of  separation ;  to  appoint  officers 
for  any  vessels  that  might  be  captured;  to  give 
special  attention  to  the  care  of  the  men  under  his 
command  and  to  the  arms  and  ammunition ;  and 
prisoners  were  to  "  be  well  and  humanely  treated."  * 
The  committee  also  gave  the  commodore  special 
instructions  and  sailing  orders  of  the  same  date.  He 
was  "  to  proceed  with  the  said  fleet  to  sea  and,  if 
the  winds  and  weather  will  possibly  admit  of  it,  to 
proceed  directly  for  Chesapeak  Bay  in  Virginia, 
and  when  nearly  arrived  there  you  will  send  for 
ward  a  small  swift  sailing  vessel  to  gain  intelligence 
of  the  enemies  situation  and  strength.  If  by  such 
intelligence  you  find  that  they  are  not  greatly  su 
perior  to  your  own,  you  are  immediately  to  enter 
the  said  bay,  search  out  and  attack,  take  or  destroy 
all  the  naval  force  of  our  enemies  that  you  may  find 
there.  If  you  should  be  so  fortunate  as  to  execute 
this  business  successfully  in  Virginia,  you  are  then 
to  proceed  immediately  to  the  southward  and  make 
yourself  master  of  such  forces  as  the  enemy  may 
have  both  in  North  and  South  Carolina,  in  such 
manner  as  you  may  think  most  prudent  from  the 
intelligence  you  shall  receive,  either  by  dividing 
your  fleet  or  keeping  it  together.  Having  compleated 
your  business  in  the  Carolinas,  you  are  without  de- 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  578 ;  Hopkins,  84. 


92    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

lay  to  proceed  northward  directly  to  Ehode  Island 
and  attack,  take  and  destroy  all  the  enemies  naval 
force  that  you  may  find  there."  He  was  also  ordered 
to  seize  transports  and  supply  vessels,  advised  as  to 
the  disposal  of  prisoners,  and  directed  to  fit  out  his 
prizes  for  service  when  suitable  and  appoint  officers 
for  them,  calling  on  the  assemblies  and  committees 
of  safety  of  the  various  colonies  for  aid,  if  necessary, 
in  all  matters.  "  Notwithstanding  these  particular 
orders  which  it  is  hoped  you  will  be  able  to  execute, 
if  bad  winds  or  stormy  weather  or  any  other  unfor- 
seen  accident  or  disaster  disable  you  so  to  do,  you 
are  then  to  follow  such  courses  as  your  best  judg 
ment  shall  suggest  to  you  as  most  useful  to  the 
American  cause  and  to  distress  the  enemy  by  all 
means  in  your  power."  * 

In  the  fall  of  1775,  Governor  Dunmore  of  Vir 
ginia  organized  a  flotilla  of  small  vessels  in  the 
Chesapeake  with  which  he  ravaged  the  shores  of 
the  bay  and  of  the  rivers  flowing  into  it.2  It  was 
for  the  purpose  of  attempting  the  destruction  of  this 
fleet  that  Hopkins  was  ordered  to  begin  his  cruise 
by  entering  Chesapeake  Bay. 

The  Alfred  was  selected  as  the  flagship  of  the  fleet, 
and  when  she  was  ready  to  be  put  into  commission 
the  commodore  went  on  board  and  the  Continental 
colors  were  hoisted  by  Lieutenant  John  Paul  Jones, 
for  the  first  time  on  any  regular  naval  vessel  of  the 
United  States,  and  were  properly  saluted.  This  was 
1  Hopkins,  94-97.  2  See  below,  pp.  Ill,  139. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776      93 

a  yellow  flag  bearing  "  a  lively  representation  of  a 
rattlesnake,"  with  the  motto  "  Don't  tread  on  me." 
The  exact  date  of  this  ceremony  is  uncertain.1 

The  ice  in  the  river  delayed  the  sailing  of  the  ex 
pedition,  which  it  was  hoped  would  get  away  by  the 
middle  of  January.  Meanwhile  on  the  4th  the  fol 
lowing  notice  was  published :  "  The  Naval  Commit 
tee  give  possitive  orders  that  every  Officer  in  the 
Sea  and  Marine  Service,  and  all  the  Common  Men 
belonging  to  each,  who  have  enlisted  into  the  Ser 
vice  of  the  United  Colonies  on  board  the  ships  now 
fiting  out,  that  they  immediately  repair  on  board 
their  respective  ships  as  they  would  avoid  being 
deemed  deserters,  and  all  those  who  have  undertaken 
to  be  security  for  any  of  them  are  hereby  called 
upon  to  procure  and  deliver  up  the  men  they  have 
engaged  for,  or  they  will  be  immediately  called  upon 
in  a  proper  and  effectual  way."  2  On  the  same  day 
the  four  largest  vessels  cast  off  from  the  wharf  at 
Philadelphia,  but  were  unable  to  make  way  through 
the  ice  until  January  17,  and  then  only  as  far  as 
Keedy  Island  on  the  Delaware  side  of  the  river. 
Here  they  remained  until  February  11,  when,  hav 
ing  been  joined  by  the  Providence  and  Fly,  they 
proceeded  down  to  Cape  Henlopen.  The  Hornet 
and  Wasp,  having  come  around  from  Baltimore, 
arrived  in  Delaware  Bay  on  the  13th;  these  two  are 

1  Hopkins,  98 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  360. 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  484,  March  8, 1776,  No.  5,  from  a  copy 
sent  to  the  British  admiral. 


94    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

believed  to  have  been  the  first  vessels  of  the  Con 
tinental  navy  to  get  to  sea.  The  fleet  sailed  from 
the  Delaware  February  17,  1776.1 

The  force  was  made  up  as  follows  :  the  ships 
Alfred,  24,  flagship,  Commodore  Hopkins  and 
Captain  Saltonstall,  and  Columbus,  20,  Captain 
Whipple ;  the  brigs  Andrew  Doria,  14,  Captain 
Biddle,  and  Cabot,  14,  Captain  John  B.  Hopkins, 
son  of  the  commodore  ;  the  sloops  Providence,  12, 
Captain  Hazard,  and  Hornet,  10,  Captain  Stone ; 
and  the  schooners  Fly,  8,  Captain  Hacker,  and 
Wasp,  8,  Captain  Alexander.  Each  of  the  first 
two  was  manned  by  a  crew  of  two  hundred  and 
twenty,  including  sixty  marines ;  the  Alfred  carried 
twenty  and  the  Columbus  eighteen  nine-pounders 
on  the  lower  deck,  with  ten  sixes  on  the  upper  deck. 
The  Andrew  Doria  and  the  Cabot  were  armed  with 
six-pounders,  the  former  having  sixteen,  the  latter 
fourteen,  and  each  carried  twelve  swivels ;  the  Doria 
had  a  crew  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  and  the  Cabot 
a  hundred  and  twenty,  with  thirty  marines  in  each 
case.  The  Providence,  though  sometimes  called  a 
brig,  was  rigged  as  a  sloop,  and  mounted  twelve  six- 
pounders  and  ten  swivels;  her  crew  consisted  of 
ninety  men  including  twenty-eight  marines.2 

1  Hopkins,  91,  100;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  823;  Brit.  Adm.  Rec., 
A.  D.  m,  March  8,  1776,  No.  10;  Ibid.,  July  8,  1776,  inclosing 
"  A  Journal  of  a  Cruse  In  the  Brig  Andrew  Doria,"  taken  in  a  re 
captured  prize. 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  J&t,  March  8,  1777,  No.  4,  being  in 
formation  collected  by  agents  of  the  British  admiral,  a  source  not 
always  perfectly  reliable. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776      95 

It  is  evident  that  several  days  before  sailing 
Hopkins  had  determined  to  disregard  his  instruc 
tions  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  discretion  al 
lowed  him  in  case  of  unforeseen  difficulties,  to  aban 
don  the  projected  cruise  along  the  southern  coast. 
In  his  first  orders  to  his  captains,  dated  February 
14,  three  days  before  his  departure,  he  says :  "  In 
Case  you  should  be  separated  in  a  Gale  of  Wind 
or  otherwise,  you  then  are  to  use  all  possible  Means 
to  join  the  Fleet  as  soon  as  possible.  But  if  you  can 
not  in  four  days  after  you  leave  the  Fleet,  You  are 
to  make  the  best  of  your  way  to  the  Southern  part 
of  Abaco,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  and  there 
wait  for  the  Fleet  fourteen  days.  But  if  the  Fleet 
does  not  join  you  in  that  time,  You  are  to  Cruise 
in  such  place  as  you  think  will  most  Annoy  the 
Enemy  and  you  are  to  send  into  port  for  Tryal  all 
British  Vessels  or  Property,  or  other  Vessels  with 
any  Supplies  for  the  Ministerial  Forces,  who  you 
may  make  Yourself  Master  of,  to  such  place  as  you 
may  think  best  within  the  United  Colonies."1  At 
the  same  time  the  Commodore  furnished  the  Cap 
tains  with  a  very  complete  set  of  signals.  In  ap 
pointing  a  rendezvous  at  Abaco,  Hopkins  had  in 
mind  a  descent  upon  the  island  of  New  Providence 
in  the  Bahama  group,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  a 
quantity  of  powder  known  to  be  stored  there. 
Scarcity  of  powder  was  a  cause  of  the  greatest  anx 
iety  to  Washington,  especially  during  the  first  year 

1  MS.  Orders  to  Captain  Hacker. 


96    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

of  the  war.  Congress  in  secret  session  had  consid 
ered  the  feasibility  of  obtaining  powder  from  New 
Providence.1 

In  his  report  of  the  expedition,  addressed  to  the 
President  of  Congress  and  dated  April  9,  1776, 
Hopkins  says :  "  When  I  put  to  Sea  the  17th  Febry. 
from  Cape  Henlopen,  we  had  many  Sick  and  four 
of  the  Vessels  had  a  large  number  on  board  with  the 
Small  Pox.  The  Hornet  &  Wasp  join'd  me  two  days 
before.  The  Wind  came  at  N.  E.  which  made  it 
unsafe  to  lye  there.  The  Wind  after  we  got  out 
came  on  to  blow  hard.  I  did  not  think  we  were  in 
a  Condition  to  keep  on  a  Cold  Coast  and  appointed 
our  Rendezvous  at  Abaco,  one  of  the  Bahama  Is 
lands.  The  second  night  we  lost  the  Hornet  and 
Fly."  2  From  this  it  would  seem  to  have  been  the 
commodore's  purpose  to  give  the  impression  that 
the  state  of  the  weather  after  he  got  to  sea  had 
caused  him  to  change  his  plans ;  whereas  he  had 
fully  made  up  his  mind  in  advance. 

The  fleet  arrived  at  Abaco  March  1.  Hopkins 
says :  "I  then  formed  an  Expedition  against  New 
Providence  which  I  put  in  Execution  the  3rd  March 
by  Landing  200  Marines  under  the  Command  of 
Captn.  Nicholas  and  50  Sailors  under  the  Com 
mand  of  Lieutt.  Weaver  of  the  Cabot,  who  was 
well  acquainted  there."  Two  sloops  from  New 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  1179,  1180;  Hopkins,  101;  Jour.  Cont. 
Congr.,  November  29,  1775. 

2  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  78,  11,  33;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  823. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776      97 

Providence  had  been  seized,  to  be  used  for  trans- 
porting  the  landing  party.  They  embarked  Satur 
day  evening  March  2.  The  next  morning  the  fleet 
got  under  way  and  at  10  o'clock  came  to  at  some 
distance  from  the  island.  It  had  been  intended  to 
take  the  place  by  surprise,  but  the  fleet  had  been 
seen  and  the  forts  fired  alarm  guns.  "  We  then 
ran  in,"  says  Lieutenant  Jones  of  the  Alfred,  "and 
anchored  at  a  small  key  three  leagues  to  wind 
ward  of  the  town,  and  from  thence  the  Commodore 
despatched  the  marines,  with  the  sloop  Providence 
and  schooner  Wasp  to  cover  their  landing.  They 
landed  without  opposition."  l 

Samuel  Nicholas,  captain  of  marines  on  the 
Alfred,  in  a  letter  dated  April  10,  says  that  on 
March  3,  at  two  o'clock  he  "landed  all  our  men, 
270  in  number  under  my  command,  at  the  east  end 
of  the  Island  at  a  place  called  New-Guinea.  The 
inhabitants  were  very  much  alarmed  at  our  appear 
ance  and  supposed  us  to  be  Spaniards,  but  were 
soon  undeceived  after  our  landing.  Just  as  I  had 
formed  the  men  I  received  a  message  from  the 
Governor  desiring  to  know  what  our  intentions 
were.  I  sent  him  for  answer,  to  take  possession  of 
all  the  warlike  stores  on  the  Island  belonging  to  the 
crown,  but  had  no  design  of  touching  the  property 
or  hurting  the  persons  of  any  of  the  inhabitants, 

lPap.  Cont.  Congr.,  78,  11,  33;  Journal  of  the  Andrew  Dona; 
Sherburne's  Life  of  John  Paul  Jones,  12.  For  an  account  of  the 
expedition,  see  Hopkins,  ch.  iv. 


98    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

unless  in  our  defence.  As  soon  as  the  messenger 
was  gone  I  marched  forward  to  take  possession  of 
Fort  Montague,  a  fortification  built  of  stone,  about 
half  way  between  our  landing  place  and  the  town. 
As  we  approached  the  fort  (within  about  a  mile, 
having  a  deep  cove  to  go  round,  with  a  prodigious 
thicket  on  one  side  and  the  water  on  the  other,  en 
tirely  open  to  their  view)  they  fired  three  twelve 
pound  shot,  which  made  us  halt  and  consult  what 
was  best  to  be  done.  We  then  thought  it  more  pru 
dent  to  send  a  flag  to  let  them  know  what  our  de 
signs  were  in  coming  there ;  we  soon  received  an 
answer  letting  us  know  that  it  was  by  the  Gover 
nor's  orders  that  they  had  fired.  They  spiked  up  the 
cannon  and  abandoned  the  fort  and  retired  to  the 
fort  within  the  town.  I  then  marched  and  took 
possession  of  it." l  In  the  fort  were  found  seven 
teen  cannon,  thirty-two-pounders,  eighteens  and 
twelves,  from  which  the  spikes  were  easily  removed. 
Nicholas  and  his  men  spent  the  night  in  the  fort. 
In  the  evening  Hopkins,  hearing  that  there  was  a 
force  of  over  two  hundred  men  in  the  main  fort  at 
Nassau,  published  a  manifesto  addressed  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  island  declaring  his  intention 
"to  take  possession  of  the  powder  and  warlike 
stores  belonging  to  the  Crown  and  if  I  am  not  op 
posed  in  putting  my  design  in  execution,  the  per 
sons  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  shall  be  safe, 
neither  shall  they  be  suffered  to  be  hurt  in  case 
Spy,  May  10,  1776 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  846. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776      99 

they  make  no  resistance." 1    This  had  a  good  effect 
and  no  opposition  was  met  with. 

"  The  next  morning  by  daylight,"  says  Nicholas, 
"  we  marched  forward  to  the  town,  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  Governor's  house,  which  stands  on  an 
eminence  with  two  four  pounders,  which  commands 
the  garrison  and  town.  On  our  march  I  met  an 
express  from  the  Governor  to  the  same  purport  as 
the  first;  I  sent  him  the  same  answer  as  before. 
The  messenger  then  told  me  I  might  march  into 
the  town  and  if  I  thought  proper  into  the  fort, 
without  interruption ;  on  which  I  marched  into  the 
town.  I  then  drafted  a  guard  and  went  up  to  the 
Governor's  and  demanded  the  keys  of  the  fort,  which 
were  given  to  me  immediately;  and  then  took  pos 
session  of  fort  Nassau.  In  it  there  were  about  forty 
cannon  mounted  and  well  loaded  for  our  reception, 
with  round,  langridge  and  cannister  shot ;  all  this 
was  accomplished  without  firing  a  single  shot  from 
our  side."  2  The  fleet,  which  had  been  lying  behind 
Hog  Island,  soon  afterwards  came  into  the  harbor; 
the  commodore  and  captains  then  landed  and  came 
up  to  the  fort.  In  Fort  Nassau  were  found  great 
quantities  of  military  stores,  including  seventy-one 
cannon  —  ranging  in  size  from  nine-pounders  to 
thirty-twos  —  fifteen  brass  mortars,  and  twenty- 
four  casks  of  powder.  The  governor  had  contrived 
to  send  off  a  hundred  and  fifty  casks  of  powder  the 
night  before,  thereby  defeating  in  great  measure 
lAm.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  46.  2  Mats.  Spy,  May  10,  1776. 


100    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  main  object  sought  in  taking  the  island.  The 
value  of  the  property  brought  away,  however,  largely 
made  up  for  this  disappointment.  After  this  the 
governor  was  kept  under  guard  in  his  own  house 
until  the  fleet  was  ready  to  sail.  About  two  weeks 
were  occupied  in  loading  the  captured  stores  on 
board  the  fleet,  and  it  was  necessary  to  impress  a 
large  sloop  in  order  to  carry  everything.  This  ves 
sel,  called  the  Endeavor,  was  put  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieutenant  Hinman  of  the  Cabot.  During 
this  time  the  Fly  rejoined  the  fleet  and  "gave  an 
Account  that  he  got  foul  of  the  Hornet  and  carried 
away  the  Boom  and  head  of  her  Mast  and  I  hear 
since  she  has  got  into  some  port  of  South  Caro 
lina."  It  afterwards  turned  out  that  the  Hornet 
was  driven  off  the  coast  of  South  Carolina  by  bad 
weather  and  finally  succeeded  in  getting  back  into 
Delaware  Bay  about  April  1.  Hopkins  took  on 
board  the  fleet  as  prisoners  the  governor  and  lieu 
tenant-governor  of  New  Providence  and  another 
high  official.1 

The  fleet  set  sail  on  the  return  voyage  March  17. 
The  next  day  Hopkins  issued  orders  to  his  captains : 
"  You  are  to  keep  company  with  the  ship  I  am  in 
if  possible,  but  should  you  separate  by  accident  you 
are  then  to  make  the  best  of  your  way  to  Block 
Island  Channel  and  there  to  cruise  in  30  fathom 
water  south  from  Block  Island  six  days,  in  order 

*Mau.  Spy,  May  10,  1776;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  T,  407,823,824; 
It.  I.  Hist.  Mag.,  July,  1885 ;  Life  of  Joshua  Barney,  31-33. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    101 

to  join  the  fleet.  If  they  do  not  join  you  in  that 
time,  you  may  cruise  in  such  places  as  you  think 
will  most  annoy  the  Enemy  or  go  in  Port,  as  you 
think  fit."1  The  Wasp  parted  from  the  fleet  soon 
after  sailing.  For  over  two  weeks  the  voyage  to 
Rhode  Island  was  uneventful.  April  4  the  British 
six-gun  schooner  Hawk  was  captured  by  the  Colum 
bus.  The  Hawk  belonged  to  the  British  fleet  at 
Newport.  Captain  Nicholas  says :  "  We  made  Block- 
Island  in  the  afternoon  [of  the  4th]  ;  the  Commo 
dore  then  gave  orders  to  the  brigs  to  stand  in  for 
Rhode-Island,  to  see  if  any  more  of  the  fleet  were 
out  and  join  us  next  morning,  which  was  accordingly 
done,  but  without  seeing  any  vessels."  At  daylight 
the  brig  Bolton  was  taken  by  the  Alfred  after  fir 
ing  a  few  shots ;  she  was  a  bomb-vessel  of  eight 
guns  and  two  howitzers.  The  fleet  cruised  all  day 
in  sight  of  Block  Island,  and  in  the  evening  took 
a  brigantine  and  sloop  from  New  York.  "We 
had  at  sunset  12  sail,  a  very  pleasant  evening."  2 

Of  the  events  of  the  night  Hopkins  gives  a  brief 
account  in  his  report.  Very  early  in  the  morning 
of  April  6  the  fleet  "  fell  in  with  the  Glascow  and 
her  Tender  and  Engaged  her  near  three  hours.  We 
lost  6  Men  Killed  and  as  many  Wounded ;  the  Cabot 
had  4  Men  killed  and  7  Wounded,  the  Captain  is 
among  the  latter ;  the  Columbus  had  one  Man  who 
lost  his  Arm.  We  received  a  considerable  damage 
in  our  Ship,  but  the  greatest  was  in  having  our 
i  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  47.  2  Mass.  Spy,  May  10,  1776. 


102    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Wheel  Ropes  &  Blocks  shott  away,  which  gave  the 
Glascow  time  to  make  Sail,  which  I  did  not  think 
proper  to  follow  as  it  would  have  brought  an  Action 
with  the  whole  of  their  Fleet  and  as  I  had  upwards 
of  30  of  our  best  Seamen  on  board  the  Prizes,  and 
some  that  were  on  board  had  got  too  much  Liquor 
out  of  the  Prizes  to  be  fit  for  Duty.  Thought  it 
most  prudent  to  give  over  Chace  and  Secure  our 
Prizes  &  got  nothing  but  the  Glascow's  Tender  and 
arrived  here  [New  London]  the  7th  with  all  the 
Fleet.  .  .  .  The  Officers  all  behaved  well  on  board 
the  Alfred,  but  too  much  praise  cannot  be  given  to 
the  Officers  of  the  Cabot,  who  gave  and  sustained 
the  whole  Fire  for  some  considerable  time  within 
Pistol  Shott." 1 

Nicholas  gives  a  more  minute  recital  of  the 
affair:  "At  12  o'clock  went  to  bed  and  at  half 
past  one  was  awaked  by  the  noise  of  all  hands  to 
quarters ;  we  were  soon  ready  for  action.  The  best 
part  of  my  company  with  my  first  Lieut,  was 
placed  in  the  barge  on  the  main  deck,  the  remain 
ing  part  with  my  second  Lieutenant  and  myself 
on  the  quarter  deck.  We  had  discovered  a  large 
ship  standing  directly  for  us.  The  Cabot  was  fore 
most  of  the  fleet,  our  ship  close  after,  not  more  than 
100  yards  behind,  but  to  windward  with  all,  when 
the  brigantine  came  close  up.  The  ship  hailed  and 
was  soon  answered  by  the  Cabot,  who  soon  found 
her  to  be  the  Glasgow ;  the  brigantine  immediately 

1  Pap.  Cent.  Congr.,  78,  11,  33. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    103 

fired  her  broadside  and  instantly  received  a  return 
of  two  fold,  which,  owing  to  the  weight  of  metal, 
damaged  her  so  much  in  her  hull  and  rigging  as 
obliged  her  to  retire  for  a  while  to  refit.  We  then 
came  up,  not  having  it  in  our  power  to  fire  a  shot 
before  without  hurting  the  brigantine,  and  engaged 
her  side  by  side  for  three  glasses  as  hot  as  possibly 
could  be  on  both  sides.  The  first  broadside  she 
fired,  my  second  Lieutenant  fell  dead  close  by  my 
side;  he  was  shot  by  a  musket  ball  through  the 
head."  1 

John  Paul  Jones's  narrative  of  the  action  in  the 
Alfred's  log-book  gives  a  few  additional  details: 
"At  2  A.M.  cleared  ship  for  action.  At  half  past 
two  the  Cabot,  being  between  us  and  the  enemy, 
began  to  engage  and  soon  after  we  did  the  same. 
At  the  third  glass  the  enemy  bore  away  and  by 
crowding  sail  at  length  got  a  considerable  way  ahead, 
made  signals  for  the  rest  of  the  English  fleet  at 
Rhode  Island  to  come  to  her  assistance,  and  steered 
directly  for  the  harbor.  The  Commodore  then  thought 
it  imprudent  to  risk  our  prizes,  &c.  by  pursuing 
farther;  therefore,  to  prevent  our  being  decoyed 
into  their  hands,  at  half  past  six  made  the  signal  to 
leave  off  chase  and  haul  by  the  wind  to  join  our 
prizes.  The  Cabot  was  disabled  at  the  second  broad 
side,  the  captain  being  dangerously  wounded,  the 
master  and  several  men  killed.  The  enemy's  whole 
fire  was  then  directed  at  us  and  an  unlucky  shot 
i  Mass.  Spy,  May  10,  1776. 


104    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

having  carried  away  our  wheel-block  and  ropes,  the 
ship  broached  to  and  gave  the  enemy  an  opportun 
ity  of  raking  us  with  several  broadsides  before  we 
were  again  in  condition  to  steer  the  ship  and  return 
the  fire.  In  the  action  we  received  several  shot 
under  water,  which  made  the  ship  very  leaky ;  we 
had  besides  the  mainmast  shot  through  and  the 
upper  works  and  rigging  very  considerably  dam 
aged."1 

Captain  Whipple  of  the  Columbus  reported  to 
the  commodore  that  when  the  Glasgow  was  sighted 
he  was  to  leeward  and  "  hauled  up  for  her,"  but  the 
position  of  the  other  ships  "  Instantly  kill'd  all  the 
wind,  which  put  it  out  of  my  Power  to  get  up  with 
her.  I  strove  all  in  my  Power,  but  in  vain ;  before 
that  I  had  got  close  enough  for  a  Close  Engagement, 
the  Glasgow  had  made  all  Sail  for  the  Harbour  of 
Newport.  I  continued  Chace  under  all  Sail  that  I 
had,  except  Steering  Sails  and  the  Wind  being 
before  the  Beam,  she  firing  her  two  Stern  Chaces 
into  me  as  fast  as  possible  and  my  keeping  up  a 
Fire  with  my  Bow  Guns  and  now  and  then  a  Broad 
side,  put  it  out  of  my  Power  to  get  near  enough  to 
have  a  close  Engagement.  I  continued  this  Chace 
while  you  thought  proper  to  hoist  a  Signal  to  return 
into  the  Fleet ;  I  accordingly  Obeyed  the  Signal."2 

Apparently  the  Andrew  Doria  was  less  closely  en 
gaged  than  the  others.  One  of  her  officers,  Lieuten- 

1  Sherburne,  14. 

2  Hopkins,  130,  131 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  1156. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    105 

ant  Josiah,  says  that  the  Cabot  having  fired  the 
first  broadside  at  the  Glasgow,  "  she  return'd  two 
fold,  which  oblig'd  ye  Cabot  to  sheer  off  and  had 
like  to  have  been  foul  of  us,  which  oblig'd  us  to  tack 
to  gett  clear ;  the  Commodore  came  up  next  and 
Discharged  several  Broadside  and  received  as  many, 
which  did  Considerable  Damage  in  his  hull  & 
Riggen,  which  oblig'd  him  to  sheer  off.  The  Glas- 
cow  then  made  all  the  sail  she  possible  could  for 
Newport  &  made  a  running  fight  for  7  Glases. 
We  receiv'd  several  shott  in  ye  hull  &  riggen,  one 
upon  the  Quarter  through  the  Netting  and  stove 
ye  arm  Chest  upon  the  Quarter  Deck  and  wounded 
our  Drummer  in  ye  Legg."  1 

The  Glasgow  was  a  ship  of  twenty  guns  and  a 
hundred  and  fifty  men,  commanded  by  Captain 
Tyringham  Howe,  whose  report  of  the  engagement 
says :  "  On  Saturday  the  6th  of  April,  1776,  At  two 
A.M.  Block  Island  then  bearing  N.  W.  about  eight 
Leagues,  we  discovered  a  Fleet  on  the  weather 
beam,  consisting  of  seven  or  eight  Sail ;  tacked  and 
stood  towards  them  and  soon  perceived  them  to  be 
two  or  three  large  Ships  and  other  Square  Rigged 
Vessels.  Turned  all  hands  to  Quarters,  hauled  up 
the  Mainsail  and  kept  standing  on  to  the  N.  W. 
with  a  light  breeze  and  smooth  Water,  the  Fleet 
then  coming  down  before  it.  At  half  past  two  a 
large  Brig,  much  like  the  Bolton  but  larger,  came 
within  hail  and  seemed  to  hesitate  about  giving  any 

1  Journal  of  the  Andrew  Doria- 


106    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

answer,  but  still  kept  standing  towards  us  and  on 
being  asked  what  other  Ships  were  in  company  with 
her,  they  answered  l  the  Columbus  and  Alfred,  a  two 
and  twenty  Gun  frigate.'  And  almost  immediately 
a  hand  Grenadoe  was  thrown  out  of  her  top.  We 
exchanged  our  Broadsides.  She  then  shot  a  head 
and  lay  on  our  bow,  to  make  room  for  a  large  Ship 
with  a  top-light  to  come  on  our  Broadside  and  an 
other  Ship  ran  under  our  Stern,  Raked  as  she 
passed  and  then  luft  up  on  our  Lee  beam,  whilst  a 
Brig  took  her  Station  on  our  Larboard  Quarter  and 
a  Sloop  kept  altering  her  Station  occasionally.  At 
this  time  the  Clerk  having  the  care  of  the  dispatches 
for  the  So.  Ward  to  destroy,  if  the  ship  should  be 
boarded  or  in  danger  of  being  taken,  hove  the  bag 
overboard  with  a  shot  in  it.  At  four  the  Station  of 
every  Vessel  was  altered,  as  the  two  ships  had  dropt 
on  each  quarter  and  a  Brig  kept  a  stern  giving  a 
continual  fire.  Bore  away  and  made  Sail  for  Rhode 
Island,  with  the  whole  fleet  within  Musket  shot  on 
our  Quarters  and  Stern.  Got  two  Stern  chase  guns 
out  of  the  Cabin  and  kept  giving  and  receiving  a 
very  warm  fire.  At  daylight  perceived  the  Rebel 
fleet  to  consist  of  two  Ships,  two  Brigs  and  a  Sloop, 
and  a  large  Ship  and  Snow  that  kept  to  Windward 
as  soon  as  the  Action  began.  At  half  past  six  the 
Fleet  hauled  their  Wind  and  at  Seven  tacked  and 
stood  to  the  S.  S.  W.  Employed  reeving,  knotting 
and  splicing  and  the  Carpenters  making  fishes  for 
the  Masts.  At  half  past  seven  made  a  Signal  and 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    107 

fired  several  guns  occasionally  to  alarm  the  Fleet 
at  Rhode  Island  Harbour.  The  Rose,  Swan  and 
Nautilus  then  being  working  out.  We  had  one  Man 
Killed  and  three  Wounded  by  the  musketry  from 
the  Enemy."  * 

An  American  prisoner  on  board  the  Glasgow 
says  that  the  sloop  Providence,  joining  in  the  at 
tack,  directed  her  fire  at  the  Glasgows'  "  stern 
without  any  great  effect.  The  most  of  her  shot 
went  about  six  feet  above  the  deck ;  whereas,  if 
they  had  been  properly  levelled,  they  must  soon 
have  cleared  it  of  men.  The  Glasgow  got  at  a  dis 
tance,  when  she  fired  smartly,  and  the  engagement 
lasted  about  six  glasses,  when  they  both  seemed 
willing  to  quit.  The  Glasgow  was  considerably 
damaged  in  her  hull,  had  ten  shot  through  her 
mainmast,  fifty-two  through  her  mizen  staysail,  one 
hundred  and  ten  through  mainsail,  and  eighty-eight 
through  her  foresail ;  had  her  spars  carried  away 
and  her  rigging  cut  to  pieces.* '  2 

The  Glasgow  was  seriously  crippled  and  her  es 
cape  from  a  superior  force  shows  a  lack  of  cooper 
ation  on  the  part  of  the  Continental  fleet,  and  per 
haps  excessive  prudence  in  not  carrying  the  pursuit 
farther  towards  Newport.  It  was  an  instance  of  the 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  4^4,  April  19,  1776;  London  Chronicle, 
June  11,1776;  briefer  accounts  in  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  Captains' 
Letters,  No.  1902,22  (April  27,  1776),  and  Captains1  Logs,Xo.  398 
(April  6,  1776). 

2  Constitutional  Gazette,  New  York,  May  29,  1776,  quoted  in 
Sands,  45,  46. 


108    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

want  of  naval  training  and  esprit  de  corps  to  be 
expected  in  a  new,  raw  service.  Moreover,  the 
American  vessels,  except  the  Alfred,  were  inferior 
sailing  craft  to  begin  with,  and  besides  this  were 
too  deeply  laden  with  the  military  stores  brought 
from  New  Providence  to  be  easily  and  quickly 
handled. 

Hopkins  took  his  fleet  and  prizes  into  New  Lon 
don  April  8.  Here  over  two  hundred  sick  men  were 
landed ;  also  the  military  stores.  The  next  day  the 
Andrew  Doria  was  sent  out  on  a  short  cruise  and 
recaptured  a  prize  from  the  British.  Some  of  the 
heavy  guns  from  New  Providence  were  sent  to 
Dartmouth,  on  Buzzard's  Bay ;  and  upon  the  de 
parture  of  the  British  from  Narragansett  Bay  soon 
afterwards,  the  Cabot,  Captain  Hinman,  was  sent 
to  Newport  with  several  of  the  guns.  The  prisoners 
brought  from  New  Providence  were  paroled.  The 
commodore's  report  of  April  9  was  read  in  Congress 
and  published  in  the  newspapers.  It  caused  great 
satisfaction,  and  Hopkins  received  a  letter  of  con 
gratulation  from  John  Hancock,  the  President  of 
Congress.  His  popularity  at  this  time,  both  in  the 
fleet  and  among  the  people,  seems  to  have  been  gen 
uine.  The  Marine  Committee  suggested  the  pur 
chase  of  the  prize  schooner  Hawk  for  the  service,  to 
be  renamed  the  Hopkins.  John  Paul  Jones,  who  as 
a  lieutenant  on  the  Alfred  had  had  an  opportunity 
to  estimate  the  commodore's  qualifications,  wrote  of 
him,  April  14 :  "I  have  the  pleasure  of  assuring 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    109 

you  that  the  Commander-in-chief  is  respected  through 
the  fleet  and  I  verily  .believe  that  the  officers  and 
men  in  general  would  go  any  length  to  execute  his 
orders." 1  There  was  a  reaction,  however,  later  on. 
Upon  reflection  people  came  to  the  opinion  that  the 
escape  of  the  Glasgow  was  unnecessary  and  discred 
itable.  Captain  Whipple  was  accused  of  cowardice 
and  demanded  a  court-martial,  by  which  he  was 
honorably  acquitted.  Captain  Hazard  of  the  Provi 
dence  was  less  fortunate  ;  he  also  was  court-martialed 
and  was  relieved  of  his  command.2 

The  British  fleet,  consisting  of  the  frigate  Rose, 
the  Glasgow,  the  Nautilus,  Swan,  and  several  ten 
ders,  had  found  Newport  Harbor  an  uncomfortable 
anchorage.  April  5  they  went  to  sea,  but  all  ex 
cept  the  Glasgow  and  her  tender  returned  in  the 
evening  and  anchored  off  Coddington  Point,  north 
of  Newport.  At  daylight  the  next  morning,  while 
the  Glasgow  was  engaged  with  the  American  fleet, 
the  Continental  troops  mounted  two  eighteen- 
pounders  on  the  point,  opened  fire,  and  drove  them 
from  their  anchorage.  When  the  Glasgow  came  in 
after  her  battle,  she  and  some  of  the  smaller  vessels 
anchored  off  Brenton's  Point ;  the  others  went  to 
sea.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th  the  Glasgow  and 
the  vessels  with  her  were  fired  upon  by  guns 
which  had  been  mounted  on  Brenton's  Point  during 

1  Sherburne,  13. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  824,  867,  956,  966,  1005, 1111,  1156,  1168, 
vi,  409,  552, 553 ;  Hopkins,  125-135  ;  Journal  of  the  Andrew  Doria. 


110    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  night,  and  driven  up  the  bay.  Later  they  too 
went  to  sea  and  the  whole  fleet  sailed  for  Halifax. 
April  11  another  British  man-of-war,  the  Phoenix, 
brought  two  prizes  into  Newport,  but  she  was  driven 
out  again  and  the  prizes  recaptured.1  After  the 
Glasgow  had  arrived  at  Halifax,  Admiral  Shuldham, 
in  command  of  the  station,  wrote  to  the  Admiralty 
that  he  found  her  "  in  so  shattered  a  Condition  and 
would  require  so  much  time  and  more  Stores  than 
there  is  in  this  Yard  to  put  her  into  proper  repair, 
I  intend  sending  her  to  Plymouth  as  soon  as  she 
can  be  got  ready."  2 

Commodore  Hopkins  received  one  hundred  and 
seventy  men  from  the  army  to  take  the  place  of  those 
he  had  lost  through  sickness.  He  then  sailed,  April 
19,  for  Newport,  but  "  the  Alfred  got  ashore  near 
Fisher's  Island  and  was  obliged  to  be  lightened  to 
get  her  off,  which  we  did  without  much  damage." 
They  went  back  to  New  London  and  sailed  again 
April  24 ;  they  went  up  to  Providence  the  next  day. 
There  Hopkins  landed  over  a  hundred  more  sick 
men.  Just  at  this  time  he  received  an  order  from 
Washington  to  send  back  to  the  army  the  men  who 
had  been  loaned  to  him,  as  they  were  needed  in 
New  York.  It  was  practically  impossible  to  get 
recruits  in  Providence,  because  the  attractions  of 
privateering  were  so  superior  to  those  of  the  regu- 

1  Boston  Gazette,  April  15,  22, 1776 ;  Constitutional  Gazette  (New 
York),  April  17,  May  29,  1776,  quoted  in  Sands,  46-48. 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  484,  April  19,  1776. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    111 

lar  naval  service.  Delay  in  getting  their  pay  for 
the  first  cruise  also  caused  discontent  and  tended 
to  make  the  service  unpopular.  The  commodore  had 
received  information  from  the  Marine  Committee 
of  two  small  British  fleets  in  southern  waters.  A 
force  organized  by  Governor  Dunmore  in  Virginia 
consisted  of  the  frigate  Liverpool,  28,  two  sloops 
of  war,  and  many  small  vessels.  "  It  is  said  &  be 
lieved  that  both  the  Liverpool  &  Otter  are  exceed 
ingly  weak  from  the  Want  of  Hands,  their  Men 
being  chiefly  employed  on  Board  a  Number  of  small 
Tenders  fitted  out  by  Lord  Dunmore  to  distress  the 
Trade  on  the  Coast  of  Virginia  &  Bay  of  Chesepeak. 
His  Lordship  has  now  between  100  &  150  Sail  of 
Vessels  great  &  small,  the  most  of  which  are  Prizes 
&  many  of  them  valuable.  Those,  so  far  from  be 
ing  any  Addition  in  point  of  Strength  will  rather 
weaken  the  Men  of  War,  whose  Hands  are  em 
ployed  in  the  small  Vessels."  The  British  had 
another  naval  force  at  Wilmington,  North  Caro 
lina.  "  Whether  you  have  formed  any  Expedition 
or  not,  the  Execution  of  which  will  interfere  with 
an  Attempt  upon  either  or  both  of  the  above  Fleets 
we  cannot  determine  ;  but  if  that  should  not  be  the 
Case,  there  is  no  Service  from  the  present  Appear 
ance  of  things  in  which  You  could  better  promote 
the  Interest  of  your  Country  than  by  the  Destruc 
tion  of  the  Enemie's  Fleet  in  North  Carolina  or 
Virginia;  for  as  the  Seat  of  War  will  most  prob 
ably  be  transferred  in  the  ensuing  Campaign  to  the 


112    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Southern  Colonies,  such  a  Maneuvre  attended  with 
Success  will  disconcert  or  at  least  retard  their  Mil 
itary  Operations  for  a  Length  of  Time,  give  Spirits 
to  our  Friends  &  afford  them  an  Opportunity  of 
improving  their  Preparations  for  resistance." 1  Ap 
parently  because  the  Marine  Committee  became 
convinced  that  this  plan  was  impracticable  in  view 
of  the  weak  condition  of  the  fleet,  it  was  given  up 
and,  May  10,  Hopkins  was  ordered  to  send  a 
squadron  against  the  Newfoundland  fishery.  He 
himself  had  already  been  preparing  for  a  four 
months'  cruise,  but  all  such  schemes  now  had  to  be 
abandoned  for  lack  of  seamen  to  man  his  fleet. 
Three  vessels,  however,  were  fitted  out  and  sent 
away.  The  command  of  the  Providence  was  given 
to  Jones,  May  10,  and  he  was  ordered  to  New 
York  with  the  men  who  were  to  be  returned  to  the 
army.  The  Andrew  Doria  and  Cabot  were  sent  off 
on  a  cruise  May  19.  The  Fly  was  kept  for  a  while 
on  the  lookout  for  British  men-of-war  off  the  en 
trance  of  Narragansett  Bay.  The  Alfred  and  Co 
lumbus  remained  at  Providence  waiting  for  fresh 
crews.2 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  Commodore 
Hopkins  and  some  of  his  officers  gradually  increased 
in  and  out  of  Congress.  Complaints  of  ill  treatment 
on  board  the  fleet,  as  well  as  instances  of  insubor- 

1  MS.  Letter  of  Marine  Committee,  April,  1776. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  1001,  1005,  1079,  1140,  1168,  vi,  409,  410, 
418, 430, 431, 551 ;  Hopkin*,  135-140 ;  Journal  of  the  Andrew  Doria. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    113 

dination  and  desertion,  came  to  the  ears  of  the 
Marine  Committee.  All  this  of  course  still  further 
increased  the  difficulty  of  manning  the  ships,  with 
consequent  delay  apparently  endless  and  the  in 
creasing  probability  of  nothing  important  being  ac 
complished.  A  committee  of  seven  was  appointed 
by  Congress  to  investigate,  and  June  14  the  com 
modore  and  Captains  Saltonstall  and  Whipple 
were  ordered  to  Philadelphia  to  appear  before  the 
Marine  Committee  and  be  interrogated  in  regard 
to  their  conduct.  Saltonstall  and  Whipple  were 
examined  in  July  and  were  exonerated  by  Congress. 
The  inquiry  into  Hopkins's  case  came  in  August  and 
he  was  questioned  on  three  points :  his  alleged  dis 
obedience  of  orders  in  not  visiting  the  southern 
coast  during  the  cruise  of  his  fleet ;  his  poor  man 
agement  in  permitting  the  escape  of  the  Glasgow ; 
and  his  inactivity  since  arriving  in  port.  His  de 
fense  was  that,  as  he  did  not  sail  until  six  weeks 
after  his  orders  were  issued,  conditions  had  changed, 
especially  in  regard  to  the  force  of  the  British,  which 
had  increased  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas ;  but 
there  is  no  mention  of  this  in  his  report  of  April  9. 
He  had  written  to  his  brother  before  the  inquiry : 
"  I  intended  to  go  from  New  Providence  to  Georgia, 
had  I  not  received  intelligence  three  or  four  days  be 
fore  I  sailed  that  a  frigate  of  twenty-eight  guns  had 
arrived  there,  which  made  the  force  in  my  opinion 
too  strong  for  us.  At  Virginia  they  were  likewise 
too  strong.  In  Delaware  and  New  York  it  would 


114    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

not  do  to  attempt.  Rhode  Island  I  was  sensible  was 
stronger  than  we,  but  the  force  there  was  nearer 
equal  than  anywhere  else,  which  was  the  reason  of 
my  attempts  there." l  Hopkins  was  doubtless  justi 
fied  in  using  the  discretion  allowed  him  in  his  orders 
to  depart  from  those  orders  in  case  of  apparent 
necessity  or  expediency,  and  being  on  the  spot  he 
was  presumably  the  best  judge  of  the  course  to  be 
pursued ;  but  in  order  to  establish  his  naval  reputa 
tion  it  was  incumbent  upon  him  to  convince  others 
of  the  necessity  or  expediency.  As  to  the  second 
point,  relating  to  the  Glasgow,  Hopkins  seems  to 
show  a  disposition  to  shift  the  blame  upon  his  subor 
dinates  ;  no  doubt  some  of  his  officers  were  not  to 
be  depended  upon  for  prompt  and  efficient  action. 
On  the  third  point,  the  excessive  amount  of  sickness 
in  the  fleet  and  the  practical  impossibility  of  ob 
taining  recruits  in  sufficient  numbers  should  have 
extenuated  his  shortcomings.  There  appears  to  have 
been  a  strong  prejudice  against  Hopkins  in  Congress 
and  it  fared  hard  with  him,  although  he  was  zeal 
ously  and  ably  defended  by  John  Adams.  August 
15,  Congress  resolved  "that  the  said  Commodore 
Hopkins,  during  his  cruize  to  the  southward,  did  not 
pay  due  regard  to  the  tenor  of  his  instructions, 
wherelby  he  was  expressly  directed  to  annoy  the 
enemy's  ships  upon  the  coasts  of  the  southern  states ; 
and  that  his  reasons  for  not  going  from  [New] 
Providence  immediately  to  the  Carolinas  are  by  no 
i  Hopkins,  154. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    115 

means  satisfactory."  The  next  day  it  was  further 
resolved  "that  the  said  conduct  of  Commodore 
Hopkins  deserves  the  censure  of  this  house  and  the 
house  does  accordingly  censure  him."  Three  days 
later  he  was  ordered  back  to  Rhode  Island  to  re 
sume  command  of  his  fleet.1 

Of  the  result  of  this  inquiry  John  Adams  wrote : 
"  Although  this  resolution  of  censure  was  not  in  my 
opinion  demanded  by  justice  and  consequently  was 
inconsistent  with  good  policy,  as  it  tended  to  dis 
courage  an  officer  and  diminish  his  authority  by 
tarnishing  his  reputation,  yet  as  it  went  not  so  far 
as  to  cashier  him,  which  had  been  the  object  in 
tended  by  the  spirit  that  dictated  the  prosecution, 
I  had  the  satisfaction  to  think  that  I  had  not  labored 
wholly  in  vain  in  his  defense."  2  When  John  Paul 
Jones  heard  of  the  outcome  he  wrote  a  friendly  and 
sympathetic  letter  to  his  commander,  saying :  "  Your 
late  trouble  will  tend  to  your  future  advantage  by 
pointing  out  your  friends  and  enemies.  You  will 
thereby  be  enabled  to  retain  the  one  part  while  you 
guard  against  the  other.  You  will  be  thrice  welcome 
to  your  native  land  and  to  your  nearest  concerns."  3 

The  fleet  of  Commodore  Hopkins  performed  no 
further  service  collectively,  but  the  fortunes  of  the 
various  vessels  composing  it,  during  the  remainder 
of  the  year  1776,  may  be  conveniently  followed 

1  Am.  Arch.,TV,  v,  1698,  vi, 764;  885,  886, 1678, 1705,  V,  i,  994; 
Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  August  15,  16,  1776 ;  Hopkins,  ch.  v. 

2  Hopkins,  160.  8  Ibid.,  162. 


116    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

here.  The  sloop  Providence,  having  taken  to  New 
York  the  soldiers  who  had  been  borrowed  from  the 
army,  returned  to  Providence,  and  in  June  was  oc 
cupied  for  a  while  convoying  vessels  back  and  forth 
between  Narragansett  Bay  and  Long  Island  Sound. 
"In  performing  these  last  services  Captain  Jones 
found  great  difficulty  from  the  enemy's  frigates  then 
cruising  round  Block  Island,  with  which  he  had 
several  rencontres  in  one  of  which  he  saved  a  brig- 
antine  that  was  a  stranger  from  Hispaniola,  closely 
pursued  by  the  Cerberus  and  laden  with  public 
military  stores.  That  brigantine  was  afterwards 
purchased  by  the  Continent  and  called  the  Hamp- 
den." 1  Jones  was  then  ordered  to  Boston,  where  he 
collected  a  convoy  which  he  conducted  safely  to 
Delaware  Bay,  arriving  August  1.  At  this  time  the 
British  fleet  and  army  were  on  their  way  from  Hal 
ifax  to  New  York.  Jones  saw  several  of  their  ships, 
but  was  able  to  avoid  them.2 

The  Andrew  Doria  and  Cabot  sailed  on  a  short 
cruise  to  the  eastward  May  19.  Soon  after  getting 
to  sea  they  were  chased  by  the  Cerberus  and  be 
came  separated.  May  29,  in  latitude  41°  19'  north, 
longitude  57°  12'  west,  the  Andrew  Doria  captured 
two  Scotch  transports  of  the  fleet  bound  to  Boston. 
"  At  4  A.M.  saw  two  Ships  to  ye  North'd,  Made  Sail 
and  Hauld  our  Wind  to  ye  North'd.  At  6  Do. 

1  Sands,  38  (Jones's  journal  prepared  at  request  of  the  king 
of  France). 

2  Sands,  37,  38 ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  418,  511,  820, 844, 972,  980. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    117 

Brought  the  Northermost  too,  a  Ship  from  Glas- 
cow  .  .  .  with  100  Highland  Troops  on  Board  & 
officers ;  made  her  hoist  her  Boat  out  &  the  Capt. 
came  on  board.  Detained  the  Boat  till  we  Brought 
the  other  too,  from  Glascow  with  ye  same  number 
of  troops.  [Lieutenant  James  Josiah,  the  writer  of 
the  journal]  went  on  board  and  sent  ye  Capt.  and 
four  Men  on  board  ye  Brig  [Andrew  Doria] ,  re- 
ceiv'd  orders  for  sending  all  the  troops  on  board 
the  other  ship  and  went  Prize  master  with  Eleven 
Hands.  Sent  all  the  Arms  on  board  ye  Brig  from 
both  Ships,  two  Hundred  &  odd."1  These  trans 
ports  were  the  Crawford  and  Oxford.  All  the  sol 
diers,  two  hundred  and  seventeen  in  number,  with 
several  women  and  children,  were  put  on  the  Ox 
ford.  The  Andrew  Doria  cruised  with  her  prizes 
nearly  two  weeks  and  then,  being  to  windward  of 
Nantucket  Shoals,  they  were  chased  by  five  British 
vessels.  Captain  Biddle  signaled  the  transports  to 
steer  different  courses  and  lost  sight  of  them.  The 
Crawford,  in  command  of  Lieutenant  Josiah  as 
prizemaster,  was  retaken  by  the  Cerberus,  but  was 
captured  again  by  the  General  Schuyler  of  Wash 
ington's  New  York  fleet.2  Josiah  while  a  prisoner 
was  treated  with  such  severity  as  to  occasion  threats 
of  retaliation,  but  he  was  eventually  exchanged.  On 
board  the  Oxford,  containing  the  soldiers,  the  prize 
crew  was  overcome  by  the  prisoners,  who  got  pos 
session  of  the  ship  and  carried  her  into  Hampton 

1  Journal  of  the  Andrew  Doria.  2  See  above,  pp.  86,  87. 


118    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Eoads.  Their  triumph  was  brief,  however,  for  she 
was  soon  recaptured  by  Captain  Barron  of  the  Vir 
ginia  navy.  The  next  year  the  Oxford  again  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  British.  The  Andrew  Doria 
put  into  Newport  June  14  and  soon  went  out 
again.  She  cruised  most  of  the  time  during  the 
rest  of  the  year,  taking  several  prizes.  In  Octo 
ber  she  changed  her  captain.1  The  Columbus  also 
went  to  sea  in  June  and  on  the  18th  had  a  brush 
with  the  Cerberus,  losing  one  man.  At  this  time 
there  were  three  British  frigates  around  Block 
Island.  The  Columbus  took  four  or  five  prizes  be 
fore  the  end  of  the  year  and  the  Cabot  made  a  few 
captures.2 

Captain  Jones  in  the  Providence  sailed  from  Del 
aware  Bay  August  21.  In  the  latitude  of  Bermuda 
he  fell  in  with  the  British  frigate  Solebay,  28. 
"  She  sailed  fast  and  pursued  us  by  the  wind,  till 
after  four  hours  chase,  the  sea  running  very  cross, 
she  got  within  musket  shot  of  our  lee  quarter.  As 
they  had  continued  firing  at  us  from  the  first  with 
out  showing  colours,  I  now  ordered  ours  to  be  hoisted 
and  began  to  fire  at  them.  Upon  this  they  also 

1  See  below,  p.  159. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  430,  431,  539,  551,  902,  931,  972,  979,  998, 
999,  V,  i,  659,  832,  1094,  1095,  ii,  115,  132,  378,  1226,  iii,  667, 
848 ;  Boston  Gazette,  June  24,  July  29,  September  16,  30,  October 
7,  28,  1776 ;  N.  E.  (Independent)  Chronicle,  July  4,  October  10, 
1776 ;  Military  and  Naval  Mag.  of  U.  S.,  June,  1834 ;  So.  Lit. 
Messenger,  February,  1857 ;  R.  I.  Hist.  Mag.,  October,  1885 ;  Brit. 
Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  484,  July  8,  1776,  inclosing  Journal  of  the  An 
drew  Doria ;  Williams,  202. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    119 

hoisted  American  colors  and  fired  guns  to  leeward. 
But  the  bait  would  not  take,  for  having  everything 
prepared,  I  bore  away  before  the  wind  and  set  all 
our  light  sail  at  once,  so  that  before  her  sails  could 
be  trimmed  and  steering  sails  set,  I  was  almost  out 
of  reach  of  grape  and  soon  after  out  of  reach  of  can 
non  shot.  .  .  .  Had  he  foreseen  this  motion  and 
been  prepared  to  counteract  it,  he  might  have  fired 
several  broadsides  of  double-headed  and  grape  shot, 
which  would  have  done  us  very  material  damage. 
But  he  was  a  bad  marksman,  and  though  within 
pistol  shot,  did  not  touch  the  Providence  with  one 
of  the  many  shots  he  fired."1  After  cruising  about 
two  weeks  longer,  being  short  of  water  and  wood, 
Jones  decided  to  run  into  some  port  of  Nova  Scotia 
or  Cape  Breton.  "I  had  besides,"  he  says,  "a  pros 
pect  of  destroying  the  English  shipping  in  these 
parts.  The  16th  and  17th  [of  September]  I  had  a 
very  heavy  gale  from  the  N.  W.  which  obliged  me 
to  dismount  all  my  guns  and  stick  everything  I 
could  into  the  hold.  The  19th  I  made  the  Isle  of 
Sable  and  on  the  20th,  being  between  it  and  the 
main,  I  met  with  an  English  frigate  [the  Milford], 
with  a  merchant  ship  under  her  convoy.  I  had  hove 
to,  to  give  my  people  an  opportunity  of  taking  fish, 
when  the  frigate  came  in  sight  directly  to  wind 
ward,  and  was  so  good  natured  as  to  save  me  the 
trouble  of  chasing  him,  by  bearing  down  the  in 
stant  he  discovered  us.  When  he  came  within  can- 

1  Sands,  49  (letter  of  September  4, 1776). 


120    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

non  shot,  I  made  sail  to  try  his  speed.  Quartering 
and  finding  that  I  had  the  advantage,  I  shortened 
sail  to  give  him  a  wild  goose  chase  and  tempt  him 
to  throw  away  powder  and  shot.  Accordingly  a 
curious  mock  engagement  was  maintained  between 
us  for  eight  hours,"  until  nightfall.  "  He  excited 
my  contempt  so  much  by  his  continued  firing  at 
more  than  twice  the  proper  distance,  that  when  he 
rounded  to,  to  give  his  broadside,  I  ordered  my 
marine  officer  to  return  the  salute  with  only  a  sin 
gle  musket.  We  saw  him  next  morning,  standing 
to  the  westward."  Jones  then  went  into  Canso  and 
got  a  supply  of  wood  and  water ;  also  several  re 
cruits.  About  a  dozen  fishing  vessels  were  seized 
there  and  at  the  Island  of  Madame,  three  of  which 
were  released  and  as  many  more  destroyed.  "  The 
evening  of  the  25th  brought  with  it  a  violent  gale 
of  wind  with  rain,  which  obliged  me  to  anchor  in 
the  entrance  of  Narrow  Shock,  where  I  rode  it  out 
with  both  anchors  and  whole  cables  ahead.  Two  of 
our  prizes,  the  ship  Alexander  and  [schooner]  Sea 
Flower,  had  come  out  before  the  gale  began.  The 
ship  anchored  under  a  point  and  rode  it  out ;  but 
the  schooner,  after  anchoring,  drove  and  ran  ashore. 
She  was  a  valuable  prize,  but  as  I  could  not  get 
her  off,  I  next  day  ordered  her  to  be  set  on  fire. 
The  schooner  Ebenezer,  taken  at  Canso,  was  driven 
on  a  reef  of  sunken  rocks  and  there  totally  lost, 
the  people  having  with  difficulty  saved  themselves 
on  a  raft.  Towards  noon  on  the  26th  the  gale  be- 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    121 

gan  to  abate." 1  To  remain  longer  in  these  waters, 
with  so  many  prizes  to  protect,  seemed  an  unwar 
rantable  risk,  and  Jones  therefore  turned  homeward. 
September  30  he  was  off  Sable  Island  and  just  a 
week  later  in  Newport  Harbor.  On  this  cruise  he 
had  ruined  the  fishery  at  Canso  and  Madame  and 
had  taken  sixteen  prizes ;  half  of  them  were  sent 
into  port  and  the  others  destroyed  or  lost.2 

Jones  proposed  an  expedition  with  three  vessels 
to  the  west  coast  of  Africa,  where  he  was  sure  it 
would  be  possible  to  reap  a  rich  harvest  of  prizes. 
Commodore  Hopkins,  however,  determined  to  send 
a  small  squadron  to  Cape  Breton  in  order  to  inflict 
further  injury  upon  the  fishery,  and  to  attempt  the 
capture  of  the  coal  fleet  and  the  release  of  American 
prisoners  working  in  the  mines.  The  Alfred,  with 
Jones  in  command  of  the  expedition,  and  the  Hamp- 
den,  Captain  Hacker,  sailed  towards  the  end  of 
October.  Jones  wished  to  take  the  Providence  also, 
but  could  not  enlist  a  crew  for  her.  At  the  outset, 
however,  the  Hampden  ran  on  a  ledge  and  was  so 
injured  that  she  was  left  behind,  her  crew  being 
transferred  to  the  Providence.  The  expedition,  with 
the  Alfred  and  Providence,  made  a  fresh  start  No 
vember  1.  On  that  day  Jones  issued  instructions  for 
Captain  Hacker,  saying :  "  The  wind  being  now  fair, 
we  will  proceed  according  to  Orders  for  Spanish 

1  Sands,  50,  51,  52  (September  30,  1776). 

2  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  784,  ii,  171-174,  624,  1105,  1226,  1303, 1304; 
Sands,  39,  48-54 ;  Independent  Chronicle,  October  17, 1776 ;  Boston 
Gazette,  October  28,  1776. 


122    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Kiver  near  Cape  North  on  the  Island  of  Cape  Bri 
ton  "  ;  and  prescribing  signals  for  foggy  weather.1 
On  his  way  through  Vineyard  Sound,  Jones  boarded 
a  Rhode  Island  privateer,  acting  under  the  orders 
of  Commodore  Hopkins,  and  impressed  some  desert 
ers  from  the  navy.  Thence  he  proceeded  directly 
for  his  cruising  grounds  and  soon  after  his  arrival, 
took  three  prizes  off  Louisburg.  These  were  a  brig 
and  snow,  which  were  sent  back  to  American  ports, 
and  a  large  armed  ship  called  the  Hellish,  with  so 
rich  a  cargo  of  soldiers'  clothing  that  Jones  kept 
her  under  convoy.  He  wrote  to  the  Marine  Com 
mittee,  November  12  :  "  This  prize  is,  I  believe,  the 
most  valuable  that  has  been  taken  by  the  American 
arms.  She  made  some  defence,  but  it  was  trifling. 
The  loss  will  distress  the  enemy  more  than  can  be 
easily  imagined,  as  the  clothing  on  board  of  her  is 
the  last  intended  to  be  sent  out  for  Canada  this  sea 
son  and  all  that  has  preceded  it  is  already  taken. 
The  situation  of  Burgoyne's  army  must  soon  become 
insupportable.  I  shall  not  lose  sight  of  a  prize  of 
such  importance,  but  will  sink  her  rather  than  suffer 
her  to  fall  again  into  their  hands."  2  Jones  after 
wards  recommended  that  the  Mellish  be  armed  and 
taken  into  the  service. 

A  few  days  after  this,  during  a  stormy  night, 

the  Providence  parted  company  and  returned  to 

Rhode  Island ;  there  had  been  discontent  on  this 

vessel  among  both  officers  and  men,  who  represented 

1  MS.  Letter.  2  Sands,  56. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    123 

that  she  leaked  badly  and  was  unsafe.  Jones  says 
that  "  previous  to  this  step  there  had  been  an  Un 
accountable  murinering  in  the  Sloop  for  which  I 
could  see  no  Just  foundation  and  in  Vain  had  I  re 
presented  to  them  how  much  humanity  was  con 
cerned  in  our  endeavours  to  relieve  our  Captive,  ill 
treated  Brethern  from  the  Coal  Mines.  Since  my 
arrival  here  I  understand  that  as  soon  as  Night  came 
on  they  Put  before  the  Wind.  Being  thus  deserted 
the  Epedemical  discontent  became  General  on  Board 
the  Alfred ;  the  season  was  indeed  Severe  and  every 
one  was  for  returning  immediately  to  port,  but  I 
was  determined  at  all  hazards,  while  my  provision 
lasted,  to  persevere  in  my  first  plan.  When  the  Gale 
abated  I  found  myself  in  sight  of  the  N.  E.  Reef 
of  the  Isle  of  Sable  &  the  wind  continuing  North 
erly  obliged  me  to  beat  up  the  South  side  of  the 
Island.  After  exercising  much  Patience  I  weath 
ered  the  N.  W.  Eeef  of  the  Island  and  on  the 
22d  [of  November],  being  off  Canso,  I  sent  my 
Boats  in  to  Burn  a  Fine  Transport  with  Irish 
Provision  Bound  for  Canada,  she  having  run 
aground  within  the  Harbour;  they  were  also  or 
dered  to  Burn  the  Oil  warehouse  with  the  Contents 
and  all  the  Materials  for  the  Fishery,  which  having 
effected  I  carried  off  a  small,  fast  sailing  schooner 
which  I  purposed  to  Employ  as  a  Tender  instead  of 
the  Providence.  On  the  24th  off  Louisburg,  it  be 
ing  thick  weather,  in  the  Afternoon  I  found  myself 
surrounded  by  three  Ships.  Everyone  Assured  me 


124    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

that  they  were  English  Men  of  "War  and  indeed  I 
was  of  that  opinion  myself,  for  I  had  been  informed 
by  a  Gentleman  who  came  off  from  Canso  that  three 
Frigates  on  that  Station  had  been  Cruising  for  [me] 
ever  since  my  expedition  there  in  the  Providence. 
Kesolving  to  sell  my  liberty  as  dear  as  possible,  I 
stood  for  and  .  .  .  Took  the  nearest;  I  took  also  the 
other  two,  tho'  they  were  at  a  Considerable  distance 
assunder.  These  three  Ships  were  .  .  .  Transports 
Bound  from  the  Coal  Mines  of  Cape  Briton  for  N. 
York  Under  Convoy  of  the  Flora  Frigate;  they  had 
Seen  her  a  few  hours  before,  and  had  the  weather 
been  clear  she  would  then  have  been  in  sight.  They 
left  no  Transports  behind  them  at  Spanish  Kiver, 
but  they  said  the  Roe  Buck  man  of  War  was  sta 
tioned  there  and  that  if  there  had  been  any  Prison 
ers  of  ours  there  they  had  entered  [the  British  serv 
ice]  .  I  made  the  best  of  my  way  to  the  Southward 
to  prevent  falling  in  with  the  Flora  the  next  day, 
and  on  the  26th  I  fell  in  with  and  took  a  Ship  of 
Ten  Guns  from  Liverpool  for  Hallifax."  She  was 
a  letter  of  marque  called  the  John.  "I  had  now  on 
Board  an  Hundred  and  Forty  Prisoners,  so  that 
my  Provision  was  consumed  very  Fast ;  I  had  the 
Mellish,  the  three  Ships  from  the  Coal  Mines  and 
the  last  taken  Ship  under  Convoy  ;  the  best  of  my 
Sailors  were  sent  on  Board  [these]  Five  Ships  and 
the  number  left  were  barely  sufficient  to  Guard  the 
Prisoners.  So  that  all  circumstances  considered,  I 
concluded  it  most  for  the  interest  and  Honor  of  the 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    125 

Service  to  Form  the  Prizes  into  a  Squadron  and 
proceed  with  them  into  Port.  I  was  unfortunate  in 
meeting  with  high  Winds  and  Frequent  Gales  from 
the  Westward.  I  however  kept  the  Squadron  to 
gether  till  the  7th  of  December  on  St  George's 
Bank,  when  a  large  Ship  [the  frigate  Milford]  Gave 
us  chace.  As  she  came  so  neare  before  Night  that 
we  could  distinguish  her  as  a  Ship  of  War,  I  or 
dered  the  Mellish  .  .  .  and  the  rest  of  the  Fastest 
Sailers  to  Crowd  Sail  and  go  a  Head.  I  kept  the 
Liverpool  Ship  with  me,  as  She  was  of  some  Force 
and  her  Cargo  by  invoice  not  worth  more  than 
£1100  Sterling.  In  the  Night  I  tacked  and  after 
wards  carried  a  Top  light  in  order  to  lead  the  Enemy 
away  from  the  Ships  that  had  been  ordered  ahead. 
In  the  Morning  they  were  out  of  Sight  and  I  found 
the  Enemy  two  points  on  my  lee  Quarter  at  the  same 
distance  as  the  night  before.  As  the  Alfred's  Pro 
visions  and  Water  were  by  this  time  almost  entirely 
consumed,  so  that  She  sailed  very  ill  by  the  Wind, 
and  as  the  Ship  I  had  by  me,  the  John,  made  much 
less  lee  way,  I  ordered  her  to  Fall  a  Stern  to  Wind 
ward  of  the  Enemy  and  make  the  Signal  Agreed 
on,  if  She  was  of  Superiour  or  inferiour  Force  ;  that 
in  the  one  Case  we  might  each  make  the  best  of  our 
way,  or  in  the  other  come  to  Action.  After  a  con 
siderable  time  the  Signal  was  made  that  the  Enemy 
was  of  Superiour  Force,  but  in  the  intrim  the  wind 
had  encreased  with  Severe  Squalls  to  a  Hard  Gale, 
so  that  in  the  Evening  I  drove  the  Alfred  thro'  the 


126    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Water  Seven  and  Eight  Knots  under  two  Courses, 
a  point  from  the  Wind.  Towards  Night  the  Enemy 
Wore  on  the  other  Tack,  but  before  that  time  the 
Sea  had  risen  so  very  high  that  it  was  impossible  to 
Hoist  a  Boat,  so  that  had  he  been  near  the  John  it 
would  have  been  impossible  for  him  to  have  Taken 
her,  unless  they  had  wilfully  given  her  up  and  con 
tinued  voluntarily  by  the  Enemy  through  the  whole 
of  the  very  dark  and  Stormy  night  that  ensued." 
Yet  the  John,  however  unnecessarily,  surrendered 
to  the  Milford.  Admiral  Howe  in  reporting  this 
affair  says  that  the  Alfred  was  chased  "  without 
effect,  by  means  of  the  thick  weather  that  critically 
happened  and  secured  her  Escape."  According  to 
the  log  of  the  Milford  a  boat  was  lowered  from  the 
frigate  and  took  possession  of  the  John.1  The  re 
port  of  Captain  Jones  goes  on  to  say  that  in  the 
evening  of  December  14,  being  then  in  Massachu 
setts  Bay  and  fearing  to  be  driven  out,  "  I  resolved 
to  run  into  Plymouth,  but  in  working  up  the  Har 
bour  the  Ship  missed  Stays  in  a  Violent  Snow 
Squall  on  the  South  side,  which  obliged  me  to  An 
chor  immediately  in  little  more  than  three  Fathom. 
She  grounded  at  low  water  and  Beat  considerably, 
but  we  got  her  off  in  the  morning  and  Arrived  the 
15th  in  the  Nantasket  Road  with  a  tight  ship  and 
no  perceptible  damage  whatever.  I  had  then  only 
two  days  provision  left  and  the  Number  of  my 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  487,  March  31, 1777,  and  Masters'  Logs, 
No.  1865  (log  of  Milford). 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    127 

Prisoners  brought  in  equalled  the  Number  of  my 
whole  Crew  when  I  left  Rhode  Island."  *  The  John 
was  apparently  the  only  prize  lost.  The  Mellish  ran 
through  Nantucket  Shoals  and  got  safely  into  Dart 
mouth.  It  was  fortunate  for  Jones  and  for  his  valu 
able  prize  that  fate  did  not  lead  them  to  Rhode 
Island,  for  a  powerful  British  fleet  had  taken  pos 
session  of  Newport  December  7.2 

After  Jones  had  sailed  on  this  cruise  in  Novem 
ber,  Hopkins  received  orders  from  the  Marine  Com 
mittee,  dated  October  10,  23,  and  30,  to  proceed 
southward  with  the  Alfred,  Columbus,  Cabot,  Provi 
dence,  and  Hampden,  or  as  many  of  them  as  were 
available ;  one  or  both  of  the  new  frigates  under 
construction  in  Rhode  Island  might  be  joined  to 
the  squadron  if  they  could  be  got  ready  for  sea. 
He  was  to  cruise  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Fear, 
North  Carolina,  where  he  would  find  three  British 
men-of-war  with  a  large  number  of  prizes  and  other 
vessels  under  their  protection ;  and  later  perhaps 
still  farther  south.  On  the  way  to  the  Carolinas 
he  was  to  look  for  two  other  British  cruisers, 
the  Galatea,  20,  and  Nautilus,  16,  said  to  be  off  the 
Virginia  capes.  All  these  vessels,  it  was  thought, 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  58,  107  (Jones  to  Marine  Committee,  Jan 
uary  12,  1777). 

2  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  1106,  ii,  454, 1194,  1195, 1226, 1277, 1303,  iii, 
490,  491,659,  668,  738,  739,  1162,  1281,  1282,  1283,  1284,  1356; 
Sands,  40-42,  54-57;  Independent  Chronicle,  November  28,  De 
cember  26,  1776 ;  Boston  Gazette,  December  2,  23, 30,  1776 ;  E.  I. 
Hist.  Mag.,  October,  1885.  For  experience  of  Lieutenant  Treyett, 
as  a  spy  in  Newport  soon  after  this,  see  Ibid.,  January,  1886. 


128    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

might  be  captured  or  destroyed.  "  As  this  Service 
to  the  Southward  is  of  much  publick  importance, 
we  expect  from  Your  Zeal  and  Attachment  to  the 
Interest  of  the  United  States  that  you  proceed  on 
and  execute  this  Service  with  all  possible  Vigor 
and  despatch."1 

Two  of  the  vessels  it  was  proposed  to  send  were 
with  Jones  and  others  could  not  be  manned  with 
out  great  delay;  so  the  enterprise  fell  through. 
Some  of  the  small  vessels  of  Hopkins's  original  fleet, 
however,  were  in  more  southern  waters  and  per 
formed  what  little  service  they  could.  In  the  spring 
of  1776  the  Wasp  and  Hornet  were  in  Delaware 
Bay  and  the  former  took  part  in  an  action  with 
two  British  frigates.2  The  Fly  was  sent  to  New 
York  in  June  and  after  that,  cruised  along  the 
New  Jersey  shore.  The  Wasp  was  ordered  to  Ber 
muda  and  the  West  Indies  in  August ;  she  sent  a 
valuable  prize  into  Philadelphia  and  later  joined 
the  Fly.  They  were  instructed  by  the  Marine  Com 
mittee,  November  1  and  11,  to  keep  a  lookout  for 
vessels  going  into  and  out  of  New  York,  now  oc 
cupied  by  the  British.  Hopkins  and  Jones  had  also 
been  ordered  to  intercept,  when  possible,  storeships 
from  Europe  bound  to  New  York.  "  We  immagine 
there  must  be  Transports,  Store  Ships  and  pro 
vision  vessels  daily  arriving  or  expected  to  arrive 

1  MS.  Letter  to  Hopkins,  October  23,  1776 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter 
Book,  38. 

2  See  below,  p.  141. 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    129 

at  that  place  for  supplying  our  enemies  with  pro 
visions  and  other  Stores,  and  the  design  of  your 
present  Cruize  is  to  intercept  as  many  of  those 
Vessels  and  supplies  as  you  possibly  can."  The 
Fly  and  Wasp,  if  chased,  were  to  run  into  some 
river  or  inlet  on  the  New  Jersey  coast.  Prizes  were 
to  be  sent  to  Philadelphia,  or  into  Egg  Harbor,  or 
any  other  safe  place,  as  seemed  most  expedient. 
"  You  must  be  careful  not  to  let  any  british  frigate 
get  between  you  and  the  land  and  then  there's  no 
danger,  for  they  cannot  pursue  you  in  shore  and 
they  have  no  boats  or  Tenders  that  can  take  you ; 
besides,  the  country  people  will  assist  in  driving 
them  off  shore,  if  they  should  attempt  to  follow  you 
in.  ...  Altho'  we  recommend  your  taking  good 
care  of  your  Vessel  and  people,  yet  we  should  deem 
it  more  praiseworthy  in  an  officer  to  loose  his  ves 
sel  in  a  bold  enterprise  than  to  loose  a  good  Prize 
by  too  timid  a  Conduct." 1  November  11  the  com 
mittee  wrote :  "  We  have  received  intelligence  that 
our  enemies  at  New  York  are  about  to  embarque 
15,000  Men  on  board  their  Transports,  but  where 
they  are  bound  remains  to  be  found  out.  The 
Station  assigned  you  makes  it  probable  that  we 
may  best  discover  their  destination  by  your  means, 
for  it  will  be  impossible  this  fleet  of  Transports  can 
get  out  of  Sandy  hook  without  your  seeing  them. 
.  .  .  When  you  discover  this  fleet,  watch  their 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  42  (to  Captain  Warner  of  the  Fly, 
November  1,  1776). 


130    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

motions  and  the  moment  they  get  out  to  Sea  and 
shape  their  course,  send  your  boat  on  Shore  with  a 
Letter  to  be  dispatched  by  express  informing  us 
what  course  they  steer,  how  many  sail  they  consist 
of,  if  you  can  ascertain  their  numbers,  and  how 
many  Ships  of  war  attend  them.  ...  If  this 
fleet  steer  to  the  Southward  either  the  Fly  or 
Wasp,  whichever  sails  fastest,  must  precede  the 
fleet,  keeping  in  shore  and  ahead  of  them.  .  .  . 
The  dullest  sailer  of  the  Fly  or  Wasp  must  follow 
after  this  fleet  and  watch  their  motions.  ...  In 
short  we  think  you  may  by  a  spirited  execution  of 
these  Orders  prevent  them  from  coming  by  Sur 
prize  on  any  part  of  this  Continent,  and  be  assured 
you  cannot  recommend  yourself  more  effectually  to 
our  friendship.  If  you  could  find  an  opportunity 
of  attacking  and  taking  one  of  the  fleet  on  their 
coming  out,  it  might  be  the  means  of  giving  us 
ample  intelligence." 1  This  was  the  fleet  which  soon 
afterwards  occupied  Newport ;  it  sailed  from  New 
York  December  1,  the  transports  passing  through 
Long  Island  Sound,  the  larger  men-of-war  outside. 
About  the  end  of  November  the  Fly  returned  to 
Philadelphia  and  on  December  21  was  sent  down 
the  Delaware  to  watch  some  British  vessels  cruising 
off  the  capes.  The  Wasp  continued  on  the  New 
Jersey  shore  for  a  while  and  then  watched  these 
vessels  from  the  outside.  The  Hornet  cruised  during 
the  summer  and  in  December  was  ordered  to  the 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  43  (to  Warner). 


NEW  PROVIDENCE  EXPEDITION,  1776    131 

"West  Indies ;  but  she  did  not  go,  being  in  Christ 
iana  Creek  and  unable  to  get  out  through  a  British 
fleet  in  Delaware  Bay.1 

According  to  Admiral  Howe's  letter  of  February 
20,  1777,  the  British  vessels  employed  in  Delaware 
and  Chesapeake  Bays  during  1776,  some  or  all  of 
them  being  stationed  part  of  the  tune  in  one  bay 
and  part  in  the  other  and  occasionally  cruising  off 
the  capes,  were  the  Roebuck  of  forty-four  guns,  the 
frigates  Liverpool  and  Fowey,  and  the  sloop  of  war 
Otter ;  while  the  frigate  "  Orpheus  appears  to  have 
been  rather  appointed  for  the  necessary  and  more 
general  purpose  of  cruising  between  the  port  of 
New  York  and  Entrance  of  the  Delaware,  than 
confined  to  the  particular  Guard  of  the  last."  2 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  137, 1118,  1181,  ii,  970,  1199,  1200,  1292,  iii, 
461,  507,  637,  904,  1148, 1175,  1176,  1213, 1331,  1332,  1458,  1484; 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  October  16,  1776 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book, 
17,  30,  38,  41,  42,  43,  47,  48  (August  23,  October  10,  23,  30,  No 
vember  1,  11,  29,  December  14,  25, 1776). 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487,  No.  24. 


CHAPTER  V 

OTHER  EVENTS   ON   THE   SEA   IN   1776 

HAVING  followed  the  movements  of  two  fleets  in 
service  during  17 76,  there  remain  to  be  considered 
various  cruises  and  actions  of  a  number  of  single 
vessels,  public  and  private,  that  went  out  upon  the 
sea  in  that  year ;  and  some  other  events  as  well. 

The  Massachusetts  navy  began  its  existence  in 
August,  1775,  when  the  Machias  Liberty  and  Dil 
igent  were  taken  into  the  service  of  the  province 
and  Jeremiah  O'Brien  was  put  in  command  of 
them.1  The  Diligent  was  afterwards  commanded  by 
Captain  John  Lambert.  These  vessels  cruised  in 
termittently  and  with  some  success  for  over  a 
year,  or  until  October,  1776.  In  February  they 
were  at  Newburyport  and  received  new  crews. 
In  the  spring  O'Brien  took  two  or  three  small 
prizes.2 

Meanwhile  the  force  had  been  increased.  As  a 
result  of  the  report  of  the  committee  appointed 
December  29,  1775,  to  consider  the  subject  of  a 

1  See  above,  pp.  14,  40. 

2  O'Brien,  chs.  vii,  viii,  ix ;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  1294,  vi,  800, 
V,  iii,  384,  387 ;  Massachusetts  Mag.,  January,  April,  1910 ;  Boston 
Gazette,  June  10,  July  29,  1776 ;  Mass.  Court  Bee.,  February  8, 
March  23, 1776. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     133 

state  navy,1  ten  vessels  were  authorized  by  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts  in  February,  1776, 
the  number  being  shortly  afterwards  reduced  to 
five.  April  20  it  was  resolved  "that  the  Brigantine 
building  at  Kingston  be  called  the  Independence, 
that  the  Brigantine  building  at  Dartmouth  be 
called  the  Rising  Empire,  that  the  Sloop  building 
at  Salisbury  be  called  the  Tyrannicide,  that  one 
of  the  Sloops  building  at  Swanzey  be  called 
the  Republic  and  the  other  the  Freedom."  The 
Tyrannicide  was  changed  into  a  brigantine  a  few 
months  later.  Another  vessel,  the  brigantine  Mas 
sachusetts,  was  built  at  Salisbury  in  the  spring. 
The  Tyrannicide,  Captain  John  Fisk,  carrying  four 
teen  guns  and  seventy-five  men,  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  of  these  newly  constructed  vessels  to  get 
to  sea.  She  sailed  July  8  and  four  days  later  cap 
tured  a  prize.  Captain  Fisk's  report,  dated  July  17, 
says :  "  This  may  serve  to  acquaint  your  Honours 
that  in  latitude  40°  26'  north,  longitude  65°  50' 
west,  I  fell  in  with  the  armed  schooner  Despatch 
from  Halifax,  bound  to  New  York ;  and  after  an 
engagement  of  one-and-a-half  hour,  she  struck  to  the 
American  arms.  I  boarded  her  and  found  on  board 
eight  carriage  guns  and  twelve  swivel  guns,  twenty 
small  arms,  sixteen  pistols,  twenty  cutlasses,  some 
cartridges,  boxes,  and  belts  for  bayonets,  nine  half- 
barrels  powder,  all  the  accoutrement  for  said  can 
non.  The  Commander  and  one  man  were  killed,  and 

1  See  above,  p.  40. 


134    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

seven  others  wounded.  The  crew  consisted  of  thirty 
men  and  one  boy.  I  lost  one  man  killed  and  ten 
wounded,  and  my  vessel  was  much  shattered,  which 
obliged  me  to  return  with  my  prize,  which  I  have  at 
anchor  in  Salem  Harbour,  and  wait  your  Honours' 
orders  how  to  proceed  with  the  prisoners.  All  the 
Captain's  papers  and  orders  were  thrown  over 
board."  1  Fisk  sailed  again  and  during  the  month 
of  August  took  four  prizes,  one  of  which  was  re 
captured  by  a  British  frigate  which  chased  and 
nearly  caught  the  Tyrannicide.  Upon  Fisk's  advice 
his  sloop's  rig  was  changed  after  her  return  from 
this  cruise.  October  29,  Fisk  was  ordered  on  another 
cruise  to  the  eastward  of  Nantucket  Shoals  as  far 
as  the  ninth  meridian  of  longitude  and  south  to  the 
twelfth  parallel  of  north  latitude.  Meanwhile  the 
brigantine  Independence,  Captain  Simeon  Sampson, 
whose  instructions  of  July  26  were  apparently  the 
next  issued  after  those  of  Captain  Fisk,  was  "  Di 
rected  Imediately  to  proceed  on  a  Cruize  not  only 
against  our  Unatural  Enemies,  but  also  for  ye  Pro 
tection  of  the  Trade  of  the  United  States,  and  you 
are  directed  to  Range  the  Coast  of  the  Province  of 
Main  .  .  .  and  from  thence  proceed  as  f arr  South 
ward  as  the  Lattitude  thirty-four  North,  and  not 
further  West  than  the  Shoals  of  Nantuckett,  nor 
further  East  than  the  Island  [of]  Sable,  on  the 
Coast  of  Nova  Scotia."  The  Independence  accom 
plished  little  during  the  year.2 

1  Coll.  Essex  Inst.,  January,  1906. 

2  Mass.  Court  Bee.,  April  20,  May  4,  September  13,  1776;  Bee. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     135 

Richard  Derby  of  Salem  reported,  October  3, 
that  on  the  previous  evening  the  brigantine  Massa 
chusetts,  "  belonging  to  this  State,  aryved  here." 
She  had  been  cruising  during  September  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Daniel  Souther,  who,  Derby 
says,  "  Informs  me  that  a  few  Days  after  he  sailed 
he  fell  in  with  &  Took  a  Brigantine  of  about  250 
Tons  from  Falmouth  in  England  mounting  six  three 
pound  Cannon  &  having  on  board  a  Captain  & 
about  20  Privates  of  the  16th  Regiment  of  Drag 
oons,  with  their  Horse  Accoutrements.  .  .  .  He 
parted  from  the  Prize  this  Day  week  in  a  Storm 
which  has  Continued  almost  ever  since,  but  as  the 
wind  has  been  favourable  this  Day  or  two  I  Expect 
every  moment  to  see  or  to  hear  of  her  being  aryved 
at  Boston.  The  prisoners  in  all  amount  to  35  which 
Cap  Souther  tho't  too  many  to  Cary  the  Cruise  with 
him  &  therefor  tho't  best  to  Return  &  Land  them, 
Espetially  as  he  Expected  to  Do  it  in  a  few  Days, 
but  Gales  of  wind  have  prevented  him.  The  Honble 
Board  I  hope  will  send  me  Directions  how  to  Dis 
pose  of  the  Prisoners.  .  .  .  They  say  the  People  in 
Brittain  know  Nothing  what  is  passing  in  America 
&  Capt  Souther  Informs  me  the  Chaplain  has  told 
him  the  People  in  England  begin  to  grow  very 
weary." l 

Mass.  Council,  July  26,  October  29,  1776 ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  405, 
552 ;  Boston  Gazette,  August  19,  1776 ;  Massachusetts  Mag.,  April, 
1908,  January,  1909. 

1  Massachusetts  Mag. ,  October,  1908 ;  Boston  Gazette,  October  7, 
1776. 


136    NAVAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  sloops  Republic,  Captain  John  Foster  Wil 
liams,  and  Freedom,  Captain  John  Clouston,  when 
ready  for  sea  were  ordered  to  Boston.  In  October 
the  Republic  was  sent  on  a  cruise  off  Nan  tucket  and 
soon  captured  the  British  armed  ship  Julius  Caesar. 
The  Republic  was  afterwards  employed  in  commer 
cial  voyages.  Captain  Clouston's  orders  are  dated 
September  20,  1776:  "The  sloop  Freedom  under 
your  command,  being  in  all  respects  equipped  in  a 
warlike  manner  and  being  also  well  and  properly 
manned,  so  as  to  enable  you  to  proceed  on  a  cruise, 
you  therefore  are  directed  to  range  the  eastern  shore 
of  this  State  laying  between  the  River  Piscataqua 
and  Machias,  in  order  to  clear  that  coast  of  any  of 
the  enemy's  cruisers  that  may  be  infesting  the  same ; 
and  from  thence  proceed  to  the  mouth  of  the  River 
St.  Lawrence  and  there  cruise  until  the  first  of 
November,  in  order  to  intercept  any  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  that  may  be  passing  that  way;  and  from 
thence  you  must  proceed  to  the  coast  of  Newfound 
land  and  there  cruise  until  the  middle  of  November 
aforesaid,  in  order  to  surprise  and  seize  such  vessels 
of  the  enemy  as  you  meet  upon  that  coast  or  in  any 
of  the  harbours  of  the  same ;  after  which  you  may 
proceed  upon  a  cruise  as  far  southward  as  latitude 
38°  north  and  continue  upon  said  cruise  so  long  as 
you  find  it  practicable  or  expedient ;  and  then  you 
are  to  return  to  the  harbour  of  Boston,  always  using 
every  necessary  precaution  to  prevent  the  sloop  under 
your  command  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN   1776     137 

enemy.  You  are  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders 
and  directions  as  you  shall  from  time  to  time  receive 
from  Captain  Daniel  Souther,  provided  they  are 
consistent  with  the  instructions  now  given  you. 
And  whereas  you  have  received  a  commission  by 
force  of  arms  to  attack,  seize  and  take  on  the  high 
seas  all  ships  and  other  vessels  belonging  to  the  in 
habitants  of  Great  Britain,  or  others  infesting  the 
sea-coast  of  this  Continent,  you  are  therefore  punc 
tually  to  follow  the  instructions  already  delivered 
you  for  regulating  your  conduct  in  this  matter,  and 
in  all  things  conduct  yourself  consistent  with  the 
trust  reposed  in  you."  1  These  instructions  were 
probably  not  carried  out,  and  after  her  return  from 
a  short  cruise,  the  Freedom  was  altered  into  a  brig- 
antine,  being  fitted  out  with  the  masts,  sails,  and 
rigging  of  the  Rising  Empire.  This  vessel  for  some 
reason,  after  a  very  short  cruise,  had  been  reported 
by  her  captain  to  be  "  totally  unfit  for  the  service," 
and  was  put  out  of  commission.2 

In  May,  1776,  the  Connecticut  brig  Defence, 
Captain  Harding,  captured  several  tories  crossing 
to  Long  Island.  Harding  then  fitted  out  three  small 
sloops  to  search  for  tories,  the  Defence  being  too 
well  known  to  them.  In  a  letter  expressing  well- 
defined  opinions  of  toryism,  Governor  Trumbull  of 
Connecticut  acknowledged  Harding's  reports  "  com- 

1  Massachusetts  Mag.,  April,  1909. 

2  Rid.,  April,  July,  1909,  July,  1911 ;  Mass.  Court  Rec.,  October 
9,  1776. 


138    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

municating  alarming  intelligence  of  a  most  unnatural 
and  traitorous  combination  among  the  inhabitants 
of  this  Colony.  Possessed  of  and  enjoying  the  most 
valuable  and  important  privileges,  to  betray  them 
all  into  the  hands  of  our  cruel  oppressors  is  shock 
ing  and  astonishing  conduct  and  evinces  the  deep 
degeneracy  and  wickedness  of  which  mankind  is 
capable.  Have  laid  your  communication  before  my 
Council.  They  are  equally  shocked  at  this  horrid 
baseness  and  will  with  me  be  ready  to  come  into  any 
proper  measures  to  defeat  and  suppress  this  wicked 
conspiracy  to  the  utmost  of  our  power;  and  in  the 
mean  time  approve  and  applaud  your  zeal  and  activity 
to  discover  and  apprehend  any  persons  concerned  in 
this  blackest  treason."1  The  Defence  afterwards 
performed  valuable  service  in  Massachusetts  Bay,2 
returning  to  New  London  in  July,  and  continued 
cruising  during  the  rest  of  the  year.3 

Delaware  and  Chesapeake  Bays  and  the  Carolina 
sounds  witnessed  a  good  deal  of  marine  conflict  dur 
ing  the  year  1776.  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and 
Virginia  maintained  many  small  craft,  as  well  as 
some  large  vessels,  for  defense,  and  a  number  of 
captures  were  made  early  in  the  year.  Several  Con 
tinental  vessels  also  cruised  in  these  waters.  In 
March  the  British  sloop  of  war  Otter,  with  several 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  503. 

2  See  above,  pp.  81,  82. 

8  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  439,  470,  482,  483,  503,  531 ;  Connecticut 
Courant,  July  22,  1776;  Continental  Journal,  October  10,  1776; 
New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  IV,  i,  37. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     139 

tenders  and  prizes,  came  up  Chesapeake  Bay  nearly 
as  far  as  Baltimore.  The  ship  Defence,  Captain 
James  Nicholson,  of  the  Maryland  navy,  went  out 
to  meet  the  Otter,  drove  her  down  the  bay  and 
recaptured  her  prizes.  Governor  Dunmore  of  Vir 
ginia  employed  a  considerable  fleet  in  Chesapeake 
Bay,  which  in  July  comprised  more  than  forty 
vessels.  Whatever  British  men-of-war  happened 
to  be  stationed  in  the  bay,  and  there  were  generally 
a  few  at  least,  were  attached  to  this  fleet.  A  family 
of  tories,  John  Goodrich  and  several  sons,  also 
cruised  about  the  bay  in  Dunmore's  service.  The 
chief  function  of  the  state  cruisers  was  to  check  the 
ravages  of  these  vessels  along  the  shores  of  the 
bays  and  rivers.  Several  of  their  prizes  were  recap 
tured  by  the  navies  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and 
North  Carolina,  and  other  captures,  some  of  them 
important,  were  occasionally  made.  June  20,  Cap 
tain  James  Barron  of  the  Virginia  navy  took  the 
Oxford,  one  of  the  fleet  of  Scotch  transports  bound 
to  Boston,  and  brought  her  into  Jamestown.1 

After  the  departure  of  Hopkins's  fleet  for  New 
Providence  in  February,  the  Marine  Committee 
fitted  out  other  Continental  vessels  from  time  to 
time.  Those  that  cruised  along  the  coast  of  the 
Middle  States  were  the  brigs  Lexington  and 
Reprisal,  of  sixteen  guns  each,  and  the  sloops 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iv,  114, 122,  123,  125,  126,  v,  199,  vi,1559,  V, 
i,  152,  525,  ii,  162,  iii,  821,  1607 ;  Almon,  iii,  31 ;  Boston  Gazette, 
February  5,  May  20,  July  15, 1776 ;  N.  E.  Chronicle,  May  23, 1776 ; 
So.  Lit.  Messenger,  February,  1857.  See  above,  pp.  117,  118. 


140    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE   REVOLUTION 

Independence  and  Sachem,  of  ten  guns  each,  and 
Mosquito  of  four  guns.  April  7,  in  sight  of  the 
Virginia  capes,  Captain  John  Barry  of  the  Lexing 
ton  reported  to  the  Marine  Committee :  "  I  have 
the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  at  one  P.  M.  this 
day  I  fell  in  with  the  sloop  Edward  [of  eight  guns] , 
belonging  to  the  Liverpool  frigate.  She  engaged  us 
near  two  glasses.  They  killed  two  of  our  men  and 
wounded  two  more.  We  shattered  her  in  a  terrible 
manner,  as  you  will  see.  We  killed  and  wounded 
several  of  her  crew.  I  shall  give  you  a  particular 
account  of  the  powder  and  arms  taken  out  of  her, 
as  well  as  my  proceedings  in  general.  I  have  the 
happiness  to  acquaint  you  that  all  our  people  be 
haved  with  much  courage."  1  Captain  Barry  was 
an  Irishman  by  birth  and  afterwards  became  a 
distinguished  officer  of  the  navy.  In  July  the  sloop 
Sachem  captured  a  heavily  armed  British  letter  of 
marque  brig.2 

The  British  man-of-war  Roebuck,  44,  cruised 
about  the  Virginia  and  Delaware  capes  from  the 
middle  of  March  until  June.  May  5,  in  company 
with  the  Liverpool,  28,  and  a  number  of  tenders 
and  prizes,  she  came  up  Delaware  Bay.  On  the  8th 
these  vessels  were  met  below  Chester  by  thirteen 
Pennsylvania  galleys  and  an  engagement  followed 
which  lasted  all  the  afternoon.  The  Continental 

1  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  April  17,  1776. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  v,  810,  V,  ii,  823 ;  Almon,  iii,  81 ;  Griffin's  Life 
of  Barry,  30  ;  Barney,  45,  46 ;  2V.  E.  Chronicle,  April  25,  1776. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     141 

schooner  Wasp,  Captain  Alexander,  came  out  of 
Christiana  Creek,  into  which  she  had  been  driven 
the  day  before  by  the  British,  and  recaptured  one  of 
their  prizes  —  a  brig.  The  Roebuck  was  consider 
ably  injured  in  her  rigging  and,  in  attempting  to  get 
near  the  galleys,  grounded  on  a  shoal;  the  Liver 
pool  anchored  near  by  for  her  protection.  During 
the  night  the  Roebuck  got  off  and  the  British 
dropped  down  the  river.  The  galleys  followed  and 
another  action  took  place.  An  American  prisoner, 
impressed  on  board  the  Roebuck,  says  that  the 
galleys  "  attacked  the  men-of-war  the  second  day 
with  more  courage  and  conduct  [and]  the  Roebuck 
received  many  shots  betwixt  wind  and  water; 
some  went  quite  through,  some  in  her  quarter,  and 
was  much  raked  fore  and  aft.  .  .  .  During  the 
engagement  one  man  was  killed  by  a  shot  which 
took  his  arm  almost  off.  Six  were  much  hurt  and 
burned  by  an  eighteen-pound  cartridge  of  powder 
taking  fire,  among  whom  was  an  acting  lieutenant." l 
The  British  ships  then  retreated.  In  his  official 
report  to  the  admiral  the  captain  of  the  Roebuck 
says :  "  On  the  5th  of  May  I  took  the  Liverpool 
with  me,  sailed  up  the  River  as  far  as  Wilmington, 
where  I  was  attacked  in  a  shallow  part  of  the  River 
by  thirteen  Row  Gallies  attended  by  several  Fire- 
Ships  and  Launches,  which  in  two  long  Engagements 
I  beat  off  and  did  my  utmost  to  destroy.  .  .  .  After 
having  fully  executed  what  I  had  in  view,  I  returned 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  810. 


142    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

to  the  Capes  the  15th."1  The  presence  of  the  Ke- 
prisal  and  Hornet  in  the  bay,  or  near  by,  although 
they  took  no  part  in  the  action,  may  have  contributed 
to  the  discomfort  of  the  Englishmen's  situation.2 

The  Reprisal,  Captain  Lambert  Wickes,  was 
ordered  June  10  to  Martinique,  but  she  did  not 
sail  at  once ;  at  the  end  of  the  month  she  was  still 
in  the  Delaware.  On  the  29th  the  armed  brig 
Nancy,  from  the  West  Indies  bound  to  Philadel 
phia  with  ammunition  and  military  stores,  was 
chased  off  the  Delaware  capes  by  six  British  men- 
of-war  and  tenders  ;  she  engaged  the  latter  and 
beat  them  off.  The  Lexington  and  Reprisal  came  to 
the  Nancy's  rescue,  and  under  cover  of  a  fog  she 
was  run  ashore  near  Cape  May  and  the  most  valu 
able  part  of  her  cargo,  including  two  hundred  and 
seventy  barrels  of  powder,  was  saved.  The  fog 
soon  lifted  and  the  British  were  seen  to  be  very 
near  and  sending  in  boats.  The  Nancy's  captain  and 
crew  then  quitted  her  after  setting  her  on  fire,  a 
large  quantity  of  powder  being  still  on  board.  Two 
or  three  of  the  British  boats  then  came  in,  boarded 
the  Nancy  "and  took  possession  of  her  with  three 
cheers ;  soon  after  which  the  fire  took  the  desired 
effect  and  blew  the  pirates  forty  or  fifty  yards  into 
the  air  and  much  shattered  one  of  their  boats  under 
her  stern.  Eleven  dead  bodies  have  since  come  on 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487,  November  28,  1776. 

2  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  yi,  395,408,498,809-811;  Almon,  in,  173; 
Boston  Gazette,  May  20,  1776  ;  Barney,  40-43 ;  Wallace's  Life  of 
Bradford,  367. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     143 

shore  with  two  gold-laced  hats  and  a  leg  with  a 
garter.  From  the  great  number  of  limbs  floating 
and  driven  ashore  it  is  supposed  thirty  or  forty  of 
them  were  destroyed  by  the  explosion."  1  According 
to  a  British  account,  which  may,  however,  refer  to 
another  incident,  the  boats  sent  in  "  boarded  amidst 
a  heavy  fire  from  the  shore,  where  thousands  of 
people  had  assembled  to  protect  her.  Finding  it 
impossible  to  get  her  off,  we  set  her  on  fire,  with 
orders  to  quit  her  without  loss  of  time,  as  we  found 
her  cargo  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  bar 
rels  of  powder  with  some  saltpetre  and  dry  goods ; 
but  unfortunately,  before  we  had  all  left  her,  she 
blew  up  and  a  mate  and  six  men  was  blown  to 
pieces  in  her.  The  oars  of  the  other  boats  were  all 
knocked  to  atoms  and  two  men  had  their  ribs  broke ; 
but  considering  the  whole,  we  was  amazingly  fort 
unate,  as  the  pieces  of  the  vessel  was  falling  all 
round  for  some  time."  2  The  Americans  mounted 
a  gun  on  shore  and  opened  fire  on  the  men-of-war. 
The  fire  was  returned  and  Lieutenant  Wickes, 
brother  of  the  captain  of  the  Reprisal,  was  killed.3 
The  Reprisal  sailed  July  3  for  the  West  Indies, 
taking  out  as  passenger  William  Bingham,  who  was 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  14. 

2  Navy  Eec.  Soc.,  vi,  35,   journal    of  Lieutenant  (later  Rear- 
Admiral)  James,  in  which  discrepancies  in  date  and  other  details 
may  perhaps  be  accounted  for  by  its  having  been   written  two 
years  later,  in  prison. 

8  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  783,  V,  i,  14;  Mag.  Amer.  Hist.,  March, 
1878,  narrative  of  Lieutenant  Matthewman. 


144    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

to  be  the  American  commercial  and  naval  agent  at 
Martinique.  The  Reprisal  convoyed  thirteen  mer 
chantmen  to  a  safe  distance  beyond  the  Delaware 
capes.  During  the  voyage  she  took  and  manned 
three  prizes,  which  left  her  very  short-handed.  As 
she  was  approaching  the  port  of  St.  Pierre,  July  27, 
the  British  sloop  of  war  Shark,  16,  came  out  of  the 
harbor.  Captain  Chapman  of  the  Shark  says  that 
at  half -past  five  that  afternoon  a  ship  was  seen  com 
ing  around  the  northern  point  of  the  bay  and  was 
suspected  of  being  an  American.  At  seven  the 
Shark  slipped  her  cables  and  made  sail.  Half  an 
hour  later  the  Reprisal  tacked.  "  We  wore  and  stood 
towards  him  &  haild  him  twice  in  French,  to  which 
he  made  no  answer ;  we  afterwards  haild  him  in 
English,  he  continued  to  make  sail  from  us  &  made 
no  reply.  At  9  fir'd  a  shot  ahead  of  him  and  haild 
in  English,  told  him  we  was  an  English  Man  of 
War ;  he  made  no  answer,  but  bore  down  and  fired 
a  Broadside  into  us,  which  we  returned  immediately 
and  continued  engaging  i  an  hour,  then  he  back'd 
his  Maintops  &  dropt  astern  &  afterwards  tack'd ; 
-|  past  10  we  tack'd  &  stood  towards  him,  at  J  past 
10  they  fired  two  shot  at  us  from  the  shore,  which 
occasioned  us  to  bear  away ;  he  kept  his  Wind  and 
anchord  in  the  Bay."1  Wickes  says  that  he  re 
plied  to  both  the  French  and  English  hail  of  the 
Shark  and  that  the  latter  fired  a  shot  at  ten  o'clock 
followed  by  three  others  in  succession,  to  which  the 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  Captain's  Logs,  No.  895  (log  of  the  Shark). 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     145 

Reprisal  returned  four,  whereupon  the  English  made 
sail  in  order  to  withdraw  from  the  contest.  A  French 
officer  on  shore  thought  that  the  English  fire  was 
the  more  rapid  and  better  delivered.  He  says  that 
after  parting  from  the  Reprisal,  the  Shark  chased 
a  schooner,  which  took  refuge  under  a  battery; 
whereupon  the  battery  fired  two  shot  at  the  Shark. 
The  next  day  she  returned  to  her  anchorage  in  the 
harbor.  The  Reprisal  went  back  to  the  United  States 
in  September  and  the  sloop  Independence,  Captain 
John  Young,  was  sent  out  to  take  her  place.  Naval 
stores  were  greatly  needed  at  all  times  and  the 
Marine  Committee  took  measures  to  obtain  them  in 
the  West  Indies,  the  depot  for  European  goods  of 
that  kind.  Ships  of  war  were  largely  employed  for 
their  transportation. 1 

In  the  spring  of  1776  a  British  expedition  was 
sent  against  the  southern  colonies.  A  fleet  of  trans 
ports  with  troops  under  the  command  of  General 
Cornwallis  sailed  from  Cork  convoyed  by  two  fifty- 
gun  ships  and  several  smaller  vessels  commanded 
by  Commodore  Parker.  In  May  this  force  arrived 
in  North  Carolina  and  was  joined  by  General  Clin 
ton,  who  had  left  Boston  with  several  regiments  in 
January ;  Clinton  now  assumed  the  command.  The 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  180,  249,  609,  706, 741,  ii,  324,  410;  Almon, 
iv,  103 ;  Archives  de  la  Marine,  B7  458 ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  78,  23, 
293,  295  (Wickes  to  Committee  of  Secret  Correspondence,  July  11, 
13, 1776) ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  20,  26  (September  20,  October  4, 
1776) ;  Boston  Gazette,  August  19,  October  7,  1776 ;  Independent 
Chronicle,  October  3,  1776. 


146    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

objective  point  of  the  expedition  having  been  left 
to  his  discretion,  he  determined  to  attack  Charles 
ton,  and  on  June  4  the  fleet  appeared  off  the  bar 
at  the  harbor  entrance  of  that  town. 

Meanwhile  the  Americans  had  been  making  pre 
parations  for  defense.  A  force  of  five  or  six  thou 
sand,  less  than  half  of  them  regulars  and  all  raw 
troops,  was  collected  under  the  command  of  General 
Charles  Lee.  A  fort  of  palmetto  logs  was  built  at 
the  southern  end  of  Sullivan's  Island  which  com 
manded  the  channel.  This  fort  was  garrisoned  by 
about  three  hundred  and  fifty  regular  troops  and  a 
few  militia  under  Colonel  Moultrie.  Seven  or  eight 
hundred  men  were  stationed  at  the  northern  end  of 
Sullivan's  Island  to  oppose  the  approach  of  the 
British  from  Long  Island.  The  South  Carolina 
navy,  at  that  time  consisting  of  three  vessels,  prob 
ably  took  some  part  in  the  defense  of  the  town. 

The  British  met  with  some  difficulty  and  delay 
in  getting  over  the  bar,  but  by  June  27  were  ready 
for  the  attack.  Their  naval  force  consisted  of  the 
Bristol  and  Experiment  of  fifty  guns  each,  the 
twenty-eight-gun  frigates  Solebay,  Syren,  Active, 
and  Actseon,  the  Sphynx,  20,  the  Friendship,  18, 
the  bomb-vessel  Thunder,  which  carried  two  mortars, 
and  a  few  smaller  armed  vessels.1 

1  For  the  expedition  against  Charleston,  see  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi, 
1205-1210;  Almon,  ui,  142,  189-192,  264-267,314-319;  Dawson's 
Battles  of  the  United  States,  ch.  x;  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  Septem 
ber  11,  Nov.  20,  1776;  Penn.  Evening  Post,  April  23,  1776;  Win- 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     147 

On  the  28th  the  attack  was  made.  Commodore 
Parker  says  in  his  report :  "  At  half  an  hour  after  ten 
I  made  the  signal  to  weigh,  and  about  a  quarter 
after  eleven  the  Bristol,  Experiment,  Active  and 
Solebay  brought  up  against  the  fort.  Thunder  Bomb, 
covered  by  the  Friendship  armed  vessel,  brought 
the  Saliant  Angle  of  the  East  Bastion  to  bear  N.  W. 
by  N.  and  .  .  .  threw  several  shells  a  little  before 
and  during  the  engagement  in  a  very  good  direc 
tion.  The  Sphynx,  Actseon  and  Syren  were  to  have 
been  to  the  westward,  to  prevent  fireships  and  other 
vessels  from  annoying  the  ships  engaged,  to  enfilade 
the  works,  and  if  the  rebels  should  be  driven  from 
them,  to  cut  off  their  retreat  if  possible.  This  last 
service  was  not  performed,  owing  to  the  ignorance 
of  the  pilot,  who  run  the  three  frigates  aground. 
The  Sphynx  and  Syren  got  off  in  a  few  hours,  but 
the  Actaeon  remained  fast  till  the  next  morning, 
when  the  captain  and  officers  thought  proper  to 
scuttle  and  set  her  on  fire."  1 

The  engagement  lasted  ten  hours.  The  fort  was 
little  damaged  by  the  bombardment  it  received  from 
the  British,  while  the  fire  of  the  Americans  was 
delivered  slowly  and  accurately,  and  with  marked 
effect  upon  the  ships  of  the  enemy.  In  his  report 
to  the  President  of  Congress  General  Lee  says 
the  ships  "  anchored  at  less  than  half  musket  shot 

sor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  vi,  168-172,  229; 
Channing,  iii,  226-228 ;  Clowes,  iii,  371-379.    See  map,  p.  492. 
1  Almon,  iii,  189,  190  (July  9,  1776). 


148    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

from  the  fort  and  commenced  one  of  the  most 
furious  and  incessant  fires  I  ever  saw  or  heard." 
About  half -past  four  in  the  afternoon  the  fort  ap 
peared  to  the  British  to  have  been  silenced,  but 
this  was  due  to  a  failure  of  ammunition,  and  upon 
the  arrival  of  a  fresh  supply,  an  hour  and  a  half 
later,  the  fire  was  renewed.  The  Americans  behaved 
extremely  well,  and  Lee,  upon  visiting  the  fort, 
"  found  them  determined  and  cool  to  the  last  de 
gree  ;  their  behavior  would  have  done  honor  to 
the  oldest  troops."  1  Moultrie  became  thenceforth 
one  of  the  heroes  of  the  Revolution  and  the  fort 
was  named  for  him.  The  British  troops  who  had 
landed  on  Long  Island,  to  what  number  is  uncer 
tain,  had  intended  to  cross  over  to  Sullivan's  Island 
and  attack  the  fort  in  the  rear,  where  it  was  partly 
open  and  unfinished.  The  islands  were  separated 
by  a  shallow  channel  usually  passable  at  low  tide, 
but  continued  easterly  winds  had  so  backed  up 
the  water  that  it  was  too  deep  to  be  forded. 

At  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  the  British 
fire  ceased  and  two  hours  later  the  fleet  dropped 
down  to  its  former  anchorage.  The  Actaeon,  after 
she  had  been  set  fire  to  and  abandoned  by  her  crew 
the  next  morning,  was  boarded  by  Americans  who 
brought  away  her  colors  and  some  other  property ; 
half  an  hour  later  she  blew  up.  The  damage  suffered 
by  the  British  ships  was  heavy,  especially  by  the 
Bristol  and  Experiment,  and  upon  these  two  ships 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  1205  (Lee's  report,  July  2,  1776). 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN   1776     149 

also  the  loss  was  greatest,  which  altogether  amounted 
to  sixty-four  killed  and  a  hundred  and  forty-one 
wounded,  many  of  the  latter  dying  from  their  in 
juries  soon  afterwards.  The  American  loss  was 
twelve  killed  and  twenty-five  wounded,  five  of  them 
mortally.  The  attack  was  not  renewed,  and  after 
making  repairs,  the  fleet  sailed  for  New  York. 

Under  the  encouragement  of  acts  passed  by  the 
Continental  Congress  and  the  various  provincial 
assemblies,  privateering  flourished  during  1776, 
although  it  came  very  far  from  assuming  the  propor 
tions  that  it  attained  in  later  years.  Only  thirty -four 
private  commissions  were  issued  under  the  authority 
of  the  Continental  government,  but  probably  a 
much  larger  number  of  privateers  were  sent  out 
by  the  separate  states.  Vessels  of  this  class  cruised 
at  sea,  along  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  in  West  Indian 
and  European  waters.  The  privateersmen  were 
commonly  successful,  but  first  and  last  a  good  many 
of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Captain  James  Tracy  was  unfortunate  enough  to 
fall  in  with  a  British  frigate,  mistaking  her  for  a 
merchantman.  Tracy  sailed  from  Newburyport, 
June  7,  in  the  brig  Yankee  Hero,  carrying  twelve 
guns  and  twenty-six  men,  including  officers.  He 
expected  to  get  more  men  at  Boston.  Off  Cape 
Ann  the  captain  sighted  a  sail  which  he  de 
termined  to  chase,  and  here  he  received  a  reinforce 
ment  of  fourteen  men  who  came  out  from  the  shore 
in  boats ;  with  forty,  he  still  had  only  a  third  of 


150    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

his  complement.  Tracy  then  bore  away  for  the  sail, 
which  was  five  leagues  distant,  to  the  east-southeast ; 
when  too  late  he  discovered  the  chase  to  be  a  man- 
of-war.  He  now  put  about  for  the  shore  with  the 
ship,  which  turned  out  to  be  the  frigate  Milford, 
in  pursuit.  The  wind,  which  had  been  westerly, 
died  away,  and  in  an  hour  and  a  half  the  frigate, 
having  taken  a  fresh  breeze  from  the  south,  was 
within  half  a  mile  and  began  to  fire  her  bow  chasers. 
The  wind  shifted  to  the  west  again.  Tracy  reserved 
his  fire  until  the  enemy  should  be  within  close  range. 
She  soon  came  up  on  the  Yankee  Hero's  lee  quarter 
within  pistol-shot  arid  the  unequal  contest  became 
warm.  The  account  of  the  affair  was  "  chiefly  col 
lected  from  those  who  were  in  the  engagement." 
"  After  some  time  the  ship  hauled  her  wind  so  close, 
which  obliged  the  brig  to  do  the  same,  that  Capt. 
Tracy  was  unable  to  fight  his  lee  guns  ;  upon  this 
he  backed  under  her  stern,  but  the  ship,  which  sailed 
much  faster  and  worked  as  quick,  had  the  advan 
tage  and  brought  her  broadside  again  upon  him, 
which  he  could  not  evade,  and  in  this  manner  they 
lay  not  an  hundred  feet  from  each  other  yawing  to 
and  fro  for  an  hour  and  twenty  minutes,  the  priv 
ateer's  men  valiantly  maintaining  their  quarters 
against  such  a  superior  force.  About  this  time  the 
ship's  foremast  guns  beginning  to  slack  fire,  Capt. 
Tracy  tacked  under  his  stern  and  when  clear  of 
the  smoke  and  fire,  perceived  his  rigging  to  be  most 
shockingly  cut,  yards  flying  about  without  braces, 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776      151 

some  of  his  principal  sails  shot  to  rags  and  half  of 
his  men  to  appearance  dying  and  wounded."  The 
first  lieutenant  was  among  the  wounded.  The  frig 
ate  having  sheered  off  there  was  a  short  lull,  during 
which  the  wounded  were  carried  below  and  the 
crew  began  to  repair  the  rigging.  They  were  get 
ting  nearer  shore  and  Tracy  hoped  to  be  able  to 
escape.  Before  things  could  be  put  to  rights,  how 
ever,  the  frigate  "  again  came  up  and  renewed  the 
attack,  which  obliged  Capt.  Tracy  to  have  recourse 
to  his  guns  again,  though  he  still  kept  some  hands 
aloft  to  his  rigging,  but  before  the  brig  had  again 
fired  two  broadsides,  Captain  Tracy  received  a 
wound  in  his  right  thigh  and  in  a  few  minutes  he 
could  not  stand ;  he  laid  himself  over  the  arm  chest 
and  barricadoe,  determined  to  keep  up  the  fire,  but 
in  a  short  time,  from  pain  and  loss  of  blood,  he  was 
unable  to  command,  growing  faint,  and  they  helped 
him  below.  As  soon  as  he  came  to,  he  found  his 
firing  had  ceased  and  his  people  round  him  wounded, 
not  having  a  surgeon  with  them,  in  a  most  distressed 
situation,  most  of  them  groaning  and  some  expiring. 
Struck  severely  with  such  a  spectacle,  Capt.  Tracy 
ordered  his  people  to  take  him  up  in  a  chair  upon 
the  quarter  deck  and  resolved  again  to  attack  the 
ship,  which  was  all  this  time  keeping  up  her  fire ; 
but  after  getting  into  the  air,  he  was  so  faint  that 
he  was  for  some  time  unable  to  speak  and  finding 
no  alternative  but  they  must  be  taken  or  sunk,  for 
the  sake  of  the  brave  men  that  remained  he  ordered 


152    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

them  to  strike  to  the  ship."1  The  action  lasted  over 
two  hours  and  the  Yankee  Hero  lost  four  killed 
and  thirteen  wounded.  On  the  Milford  were  thirty 
American  prisoners  who  had  been  impressed  and 
were  forced  to  fight  against  their  countrymen.  The 
frigate  took  her  prize  to  Halifax.2 

In  May,  1776,  the  American  privateer  Camden, 
14,  fought  three  hours  with  the  brigantine  Earl  of 
Warwick,  16.  An  explosion  then  took  place  on  the 
Warwick  which  killed  and  wounded  thirty  men  and 
she  was  obliged  to  strike.3  About  the  same  time  the 
privateer  Cromwell,  20,  captured  and  took  into 
Philadelphia  the  British  sloop  of  war  Lynx.4  The 
private  armed  sloop  Yankee,  Captain  Henry  John 
son,  of  Boston,  cruised  in  the  English  Channel,  and, 
having  taken  two  prizes,  had  many  prisoners  on 
board.  The  captain  of  one  of  the  prizes  and  one  or 
two  other  British  officers,  being  in  Captain  John 
son's  cabin,  seized  a  cutlass  which  had  been  care 
lessly  left  within  reach,  and,  arousing  the  other 
prisoners,  soon  had  possession  of  the  Yankee,  which 
they  took  into  Dover.6 

1  Mass.  Spy,  September  11,  1776. 

2  Ibid.,  June  21,  September  11,  1776;  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  746- 
748  ;  Mil.  and  Nav.  Mag.  of  U.  S.,  May,  1835. 

8  London  Chronicle,  July  13,  1776.  4  Ibid. 

6  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  684,  755,  756  ;  Boston  Gazette,  July  15,  De 
cember  9,  1776.  For  other  operations  of  privateers  in  1776,  see 
Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  588,  874,  958,  ii,  232,  346  ;  Almon,  iii,  34,  235,  267, 
268,  iv,  159,  160,  161  ;  Boston  Gazette,  June  17,  August  12,  Sep 
tember  2,  16,  30,  November  25,  December  30,  1776  ;  Independent 
Chronicle,  June  13,  October  17,  November  14,  28,  1776. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     153 

Several  attempts  were  made  during  the  Revolu 
tion  to  destroy  British  men-of-war  at  anchor.  Such 
an  enterprise  was  discussed  in  1775  in  reference 
to  the  British  fleet  in  Boston  Harbor,  and  some 
preparations  seem  to  have  been  made  to  carry  it  out. 
Samuel  Osgood  wrote  to  John  Adams  from  the  camp 
at  Roxbury,  October  23, 1775 :  «  The  famous  Water 
Machine  from  Connecticutt  is  every  Day  expected 
in  Camp ;  it  must  unavoidably  be  a  clumsy  Busi 
ness,  as  its  Weight  is  about  a  Tun.  I  wish  it  might 
succeed  [and]  the  Ships  be  blown  up  beyond  the 
Attraction  of  the  Earth,  for  it  is  the  only  Way  or 
Chance  they  have  of  reaching  St  Peter's  Gate."1 
The  u  Water  Machine  "  here  referred  to  was  prob 
ably  the  contrivance  of  David  Bushnell  of  Connec 
ticut,  which  afterward  excited  great  interest;  yet 
just  at  this  time  John  Hancock,  President  of  Con 
gress,  wrote  to  General  Washington :  "  Captn.  John 
Macpherson  having  informed  the  Congress  that  he 
had  invented  a  method  by  which  with  their  leave 
he  would  take  or  destroy  every  ministerial  armed 
vessel  in  North  America,  they  appointed  Govn. 
Hopkins,  Mr.  Randolph  &  Mr.  J.  Rutledge  to 
confer  with  him  on  the  subject,  for  he  would  not 
consent  to  communicate  the  secret  to  any  but  a 
committee  &  you.  These  Gentlemen  reported  that 
the  scheme  in  theory  appeared  practicable  and  that, 
though  its  success  could  not  be  relied  on  without 
experience,  they  thought  it  well  worth  attempting 
1  Adams  MSS. 


154    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

on  the  fleet  in  &  about  Boston  harbour,  their  de 
struction  being  an  object  of  the  utmost  consequence. 
The  Congress  have  therefore  directed  Capt.  Mac- 
pherson  to  repair  immediately  to  Cambridge."  l 

These  projects  went  no  farther  at  the  time,  and 
the  British  continued  to  ride  safely  at  anchor  in  the 
harbor  until  they  saw  fit  to  take  their  departure  the 
next  spring.  In  July,  1776,  preparations  of  a  sim 
ilar  nature  were  made.  On  the  night  of  August  17 
two  fireships  in  the  Hudson  River  attacked  the 
ships  Pho3nix  and  Rose,  which  had  recently  been 
assaulted  by  galleys.2  One  of  the  fireships  ignited 
the  Rose's  tender,  which  was  "totally  consumed." 
The  other  approached  the  Phranix,  whereupon  that 
ship  opened  fire  and  cut  her  cable.  The  English  ac 
count  says :  "  Ten  Minutes  Afterwards  she  boarded 
us  upon  the  Starboard  Bow,  at  which  time  the  Reb 
els  set  fire  to  the  Train  and  left  her.  Set  the  Fore 
Topsail  and  Headsails,  which  fortunately  cast  the 
ship  and  disengaged  her  from  the  Fire  Ship,  after 
having  been  Twenty  Minutes  with  her  Jibb  Boom 
over  the  Gun  whale."3  The  British  then  prudently 
dropped  down  the  river  to  a  new  anchorage.  The 
most  interesting  attempt  to  destroy  a  British  man- 
of-war  was  made  in  New  York  Harbor  about  the 
same  time,  with  a  submarine  boat  and  torpedo  de- 

1  Letters  to  Washington,  89,  72  (October  20, 1775). 

2  See  above,  p.  87. 

8  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487 1  August  17, 1776,  remarks  on  board 
H.M.S.  Phoenix. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     155 

signed  by  David  Bushnell.  The  operator  succeeded 
in  bringing  his  boat  under  a  British  ship,  but  was 
unable  to  attach  the  torpedo  to  her  side,  on  account 
of  the  copper  sheathing,  then  drifted  away  and  lost 
his  bearings.  The  torpedo,  left  floating  in  the  har 
bor,  afterwards  exploded  with  great  force  ;  if  con 
tained  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  powder  which 
was  ignited  by  a  time-lock.  Two  subsequent  trials, 
made  in  the  Hudson  River,  also  failed.  The  next 
year  Bushnell  endeavored  to  draw  a  torpedo  against 
the  side  of  a  ship  in  Black  Point  Bay,  near  New 
London,  by  means  of  a  line.  But  the  line,  having 
been  discovered,  was  hauled  in  by  the  crew  of  a 
schooner  near  by  ;  whereupon  the  torpedo  exploded, 
demolishing  the  schooner  and  killing  three  men.1 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1776  some  of  the 
thirteen  frigates  authorized  by  Congress  in  Decem 
ber,  1775,  were  nearly  ready  for  service.  The  Ral 
eigh's  keel  was  laid  at  Portsmouth  March  21  and 
just  two  months  later  she  was  ready  to  enter  the 
water.  "  On  Tuesday  the  21st  inst.  the  Continen 
tal  Frigate  of  thirty-two  guns,  built  at  this  place 
under  the  direction  of  John  Langdon,  Esq.,  was 
Launched  amidst  the  acclamation  of  many  thousand 
spectators.  She  is  esteemed  by  all  those  who  are 
judges  that  have  seen  her,  to  be  one  of  the  com- 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  155,  451,  692  ;  Almon,  iii,  341,  vi,  90;  Ford's 
Washington,  iii,  202,  iv,  348,  x,  504 ;  Clark's  Naval  History,  i,  ch. 
v ;  Mag.  Amer.  Hist.,  March,  1893 ;  Boston  Gazette,  August  26, 1776 ; 
N.  E.  Chronicle,  August  29,  1776. 


156    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

pleatest  ships  ever  built  in  America.  The  unwear 
ied  diligence  and  care  of  the  three  Master-Builders, 
Messrs.  Racket,  Hill  and  Paul,  together  with  Mr. 
Thompson  under  whose  inspection  she  was  built, 
and  the  good  order  and  industry  of  the  Carpenters 
deserve  particular  notice ;  scarcely  a  single  instance 
of  a  person  being  in  liquor,  or  any  difference  among 
the  men  in  the  yard  during  the  time  of  her  build 
ing,  every  man  with  pleasure  exerting  himself  to 
the  utmost ;  and  altho'  the  greatest  care  was  taken 
that  only  the  best  of  timber  was  used  and  the  work 
perform'd  in  a  most  masterly  manner,  the  whole 
time  from  her  raising  to  the  day  she  launched  did 
not  exceed  sixty  working  days,  and  what  afforded 
a  most  pleasing  view  (which  was  manifest  in  the 
countenance  of  the  spectators)  this  noble  fabrick 
was  compleatly  to  her  anchors  in  the  main  channel 
in  less  than  six  minutes  from  the  time  [of]  the  run, 
without  the  least  hurt;  and  what  is  truly  remarka 
ble,  not  a  single  person  met  with  the  least  accident 
in  launching,  tho'  near  five  hundred  men  were  em 
ployed  in  and  about  her  when  run  off."  1 

On  September  21  the  Marine  Committee  directed 
that  the  frigates  Boston,  Captain  Hector  McNeill, 
and  Raleigh,  Captain  Thomas  Thompson,  should  be 
fitted  out  as  expeditiously  as  possible,  and  these 
vessels  were  ordered  to  cruise  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  and  to  the  eastward,  in  search  of  the  British 

1  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  May  25,  1776,  quoted  in  N.  H.  Gen- 
eal.  Bee.,  January,  1907. 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE  SEA  IN  1776     157 

frigate  Milford.  October  23  these  orders  were 
modified  by  joining  with  these  two  vessels  the 
frigate  Hancock,  and  instructions  were  issued  for 
Captains  Manley,  McNeill,  and  Thompson  :  "  You 
are  hereby  directed  to  act  in  concert  and  Cruize 
together  for  the  following  purposes  and  on  the  fol 
lowing  stations.  Your  first  object  must  be  to  in 
form  yourselves  in  the  best  manner  possible,  if  any 
of  the  British  men  of  war  are  Cruizing  in  the  bay 
of  Boston  or  off  the  Coast  of  Massachusetts,  and 
all  such  you  are  to  endeavour  with  your  utmost 
force  to  take,  sink,  or  destroy.  Having  effected  this 
service  you  are  to  proceed  together  towards  Rhode 
Island  and  there  make  prize  of  or  destroy  any  of 
the  enemies  Ships  of  war  that  may  be  found  Cruiz 
ing  off  the  Harbour  or  Coast  of  Rhode  Island.  The 
Prizes  you  make  are  to  be  sent  into  the  nearest 
Port.  When  you  arrive  at  Rhode  Island,  if  Com 
modore  Hopkins  should  not  be  already  sailed  on 
his  Southern  expedition l  and  the  two  frigates  built 
in  that  State  should  not  be  ready  for  the  Sea,  in 
that  case  you  are  to  join  Commodore  Hopkins  and 
proceed  with  him  on  the  said  expedition,  producing 
those  orders  to  him  to  justify  the  measure.  But  if 
the  Rhode  Island  frigates  should  be  ready  for  the 
sea,  there  will  be  no  Occasion  for  you  or  either  of 
you  to  go  Southward.  And  you  will  then  proceed, 
taking  with  you  any  Continental  Vessel  that  may 
be  at  Rhode  Island  and  ready,  if  Commodore  Hop- 

1  See  above,  p.  127. 


158    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

kins  should  be  sailed  before  you  coine  there,  and 
proceed  to  Cruize  against  the  enemies  Ships  &  Ves 
sels  that  may  be  found  off  the  Coast  between  the 
Harbour  of  Newport  and  the  Banks  of  Newfound 
land.  We  have  no  doubt  from  your  zeal  and  at 
tachment  to  the  cause  of  America  that  you  will 
execute  this  service  with  all  possible  dispatch  and 
vigor,  and  so  bid  you  heartily  farewell." 1  The  frig 
ate  Randolph,  built  at  Philadelphia,  was  put  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Biddle  and  was  expected 
to  sail  before  the  end  of  the  year.  For  one  reason  or 
another,  however,  chiefly,  no  doubt,  the  difficulty 
of  manning  the  ships  and  the  British  blockade,  no 
Continental  frigate  got  to  sea  in  1776.2 

In  October  the  Reprisal  was  placed  at  the  dis 
posal  of  the  Committee  of  Secret  Correspondence 
of  Congress  and  the  Lexington,  Andrew  Doria,  and 
Sachem  were  put  under  the  orders  of  the  Secret  Com 
mittee;  these  were  two  distinct  committees.  These 
vessels,  in  addition  to  other  duties,  carried  impor 
tant  dispatches.  The  Reprisal  was  ordered  to  take 
Franklin,  who  had  been  appointed  a  commissioner 
to  France,  to  his  post ;  and  afterwards  to  cruise  in 
the  English  Channel.  She  sailed  about  the  1st  of 
November  and  anchored  in  Quiberon  Bay  a  month 
later ;  two  small  prizes  were  taken  during  the  voy 
age.  Franklin  went  ashore  at  Auray,  and  made  the 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  39. 

*Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  428,  1200,  iii,  826,  827,  1198,  1254,  1332, 
1484 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  21, 22, 23,  24  (September  21, 1776). 


^.  /} 


OTHER  EVENTS  ON  THE   SEA  IN  1776     159 

best  of  his  way  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  Decem 
ber  22.1 

The  Lexington,  Captain  William  Hallock,  went 
to  the  West  Indies  in  the  service  of  the  Secret 
Committee  of  Congress  and  on  her  way  back  from 
Cape  Francois,  in  December,  was  captured  off  the 
Delaware  capes  by  the  British  frigate  Pearl.  About 
this  time  there  were  six  British  ships  in  this  vicinity 
or  stationed  in  the  bay,  which  at  the  end  of  the 
year  was  closely  blockaded.  A  lieutenant  and  a 
small  prize  crew  were  put  on  the  Lexington  and 
seventy  of  her  own  crew  were  left  on  board.  The 
same  evening  these  prisoners  recaptured  the  ship 
and,  though  without  officers  to  direct  them,  took 
her  safe  into  port.2 

Under  orders  dated  October  IT,  1776,  the  An 
drew  Doria,  Captain  Isaiah  Robinson,  sailed  for 
the  Dutch  island  of  St.  Eustatius  for  a  cargo  of 
military  supplies.  Upon  arriving  at  that  place  and 
anchoring  in  the  roads,  November  16,  the  Andrew 
Doria  fired  a  salute  of  eleven  guns,  which  was  re 
turned  by  the  fort  with  two  guns  less,  as  for  a 
merchantman.  This  has  been  called  the  first  salute 
given  the  American  flag  in  a  foreign  port,  but 
about  three  weeks  before  this  an  American  schooner 


Com.  Letter  Book,  34,  35  (October  17,  18,  1776);  Pap. 
Cont.  Congr.,  37,  75,  83,  95  (October  24,  1776)  ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii, 
1092,  1115,  1197-1199,  1211-1213,  1215,  iii,  1197. 

*Am.  Arch.,  V,  iii,  1484,  1486;  Mag.  Amer.  Hist.,  March,  1878, 
narrative  of  Lieutenant  Matthewman;  Port  Folio,  June,  1814, 
memoir  of  Commodore  Dale. 


160    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

had  had  her  colors  saluted  at  the  Danish  island  of 
St.  Croix.  In  response  to  a  British  complaint  the 
salute  to  the  Andrew  Doria  was  disavowed  by  the 
Dutch  government  and  the  governor  of  St.  Eusta- 
tius  was  recalled.  The  Andrew  Doria,  having  taken 
on  the  stores  for  which  she  was  sent,  sailed  for 
Philadelphia.  On  the  return  voyage,  near  Porto 
Rico,  she  captured  the  British  twelve-gun  sloop  of 
war  Racehorse  after  an  engagement  of  two  hours. 
A  few  days  later  another  prize  was  taken,  but  was 
recaptured.  The  Andrew  Doria  and  Racehorse  ar 
rived  safely  in  port.1 

1  .Barney,  47-51;  Amer.  Hist.  Rev.,  viii  (July,  1903),  691-695; 
N.  E.  Mag.,  July,  1893;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  34;  Pap.  Cont. 
Congr.,  28, 173  (March  28,  1777). 


CHAPTER  VI 

LAKE   CHAMPLAIN,  1776 

IN  the  days  when  the  frontier  severing  Canada  from 
New  England  and  New  York  was  a  wilderness,  the 
only  easy  avenue  of  communication  was  by  way  of 
Lake  Champlain  and  the  Richelieu  River.  With 
the  exception  of  a  few  miles  of  rapids  in  the  river, 
the  whole  distance  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the 
head  of  Lake  Champlain  was  navigable,  and  as  the 
shores  were  rough  and  densely  wooded,  the  only 
practicable  route  was  by  water.  This  natural  gate 
way  was  therefore  of  great  military  importance,  and 
a  struggle  for  its  possession  has  marked  every  war 
involving  Canada  and  the  colonies  or  states  to  the 
south. 

Even  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  April, 
1775,  it  was  understood  that  the  British  had  planned 
to  get  control  of  Lake  Champlain  and  Lake  George 
and  the  Hudson  River,  so  as  to  separate  New  Eng 
land  from  the  other  colonies.1  In  anticipation  of 
this,  Ticonderoga  was  taken  by  the  Americans  under 
Ethan  Allen  and  Benedict  Arnold,  May  10,  and 
Crown  Point  two  days  later.  A  schooner  had  been 
impressed  at  Skenesborough  (Whitehall)  at  the 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  xii  (April,  1872),  227  (letter  of  Samuel 
Adams,  November  16,  1775). 


162    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

extreme  head  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  in  her  Arnold 
proceeded  with  fifty  men,  May  14,  to  St.  John's 
on  the  Richelieu,  at  the  head  of  the  rapids.  This 
place  was  taken  on  the  18th.  Having  found  there 
nine  bateaux,  Arnold  destroyed  five  of  them  and 
brought  away  the  other  four,  together  with  a  seventy- 
ton  sloop.  He  then  returned  up  the  lake  to  Crown 
Point.1  The  Americans  now  had  full  control  of  the 
lake.  All  naval  enterprises  on  these  inland  waters 
were  carried  on  by  the  army,  which  was  under  the 
command  of  General  Schuyler. 

The  British  entered  upon  the  construction  of  two 
vessels  at  St.  John's  in  the  summer  of  1775,  but 
this  place  was  again  taken  by  the  Americans  under 
General  Montgomery  in  November.  Montgomery 
then  began  his  progress  through  Canada,  which 
ended  with  his  death  at  Quebec  on  December  31. 
Meanwhile  Arnold,  having  accomplished  his  remark 
able  and  arduous  winter  march  through  the  wilds 
of  Maine,  shared  in  the  unsuccessful  assault  of 
Montgomery  on  Quebec.  He  spent  the  winter  before 
that  stronghold,  hoping  to  gain  possession  of  it  in 
the  spring ;  but  upon  the  arrival  of  a  British  fleet 
in  the  St.  Lawrence  in  May,  1776,  the  Americans 
were  obliged  to  fall  back  up  the  river  and  evacuate 
Canada,  finally  withdrawing  from  St.  John's  to  Isle 
aux  Noix  June  18.  The  retreat  from  Sorel  was 
conducted  in  an  orderly  manner  and  with  trifling 
loss  by  General  Sullivan,  all  the  baggage  and  stores 
1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  ii,  645,  839. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  163 

being  dragged  up  over  the  rapids  of  the  Richelieu 
in  bateaux.  The  army  was  much  weakened  by  the 
prevalence  of  smallpox  and  by  disability  through  in 
oculation  as  a  protection  against  that  disease.  Every 
thing  that  could  have  been  of  value  to  the  enemy 
at  Chambly  and  St.  John's  was  destroyed.  General 
Schuyler  wrote  to  Sullivan,  June  25  :  "  Painful  as 
the  evacuation  of  Canada  is  to  me,  yet  a  retreat 
without  loss  greatly  alleviates  that  pain,  not  only 
because  it  reflects  honour  upon  you,  but  that  I  have 
now  a  confidant  hope,  that  by  recruiting  your  Army 
and  keeping  up  a  naval  superiority  on  the  Lake,  we 
shall  be  able  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  penetrating 
into  the  inhabited  parts  of  these  Colonies."1  Arnold, 
who  had  left  Montreal  June  15  and  joined  Sullivan 
at  St.  John's,  advised  building  twenty  or  thirty 
gondolas,  row-galleys,  and  floating  batteries  for  the 
defense  of  the  lake,  and  for  this  purpose  believed 
that  three  hundred  ship  carpenters  would  be  needed. 
Gondolas  were  flat-bottomed  boats,  difficult  to  handle, 
while  galleys  were  larger  and  probably  had  keels ; 
oars  and  sails  were  employed  in  both.2 

Meanwhile  American  naval  interests  on  the  lake 
had  not  been  wholly  neglected.  During  the  preced 
ing  twelve  months  some  construction  had  been 
undertaken  and  different  officers  had  been  from  time 
to  time  in  command  of  the  vessels  in  service.  The 
last  of  these  officers  to  be  appointed  commodore  of 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  vi,  1107. 

2  Ibid.,  Hi,  468,  738, 1208, 1342-1344, 1392-1394,  vi,  1101-1108. 


164    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  little  fleet  was  Captain  Jacobus  Wyncoop,  who 
received  his  orders  from  General  Schuyler  in  May, 
1776.  After  the  return  of  the  army  from  Canada 
in  June,  ship-building  at  Skenesborough  was  pushed 
with  vigor,  urged  on  by  the  restless  energy  of  Arnold, 
who  had  had  some  nautical  experience  and  who  in 
August  was  put  in  command.  He  wished  to  build 
at  least  one  powerful  frigate,  but  that  was  beyond 
the  resources  at  his  disposal.  This  activity  of  the 
Americans  compelled  the  British  also,  as  soon  as 
they  had  recovered  possession  of  St.  John's,  to  be 
gin  the  construction  of  a  fleet.  A  ship  and  two 
schooners  were  taken  apart,  transported  over  and 
around  the  rapids,  and  rebuilt  at  St.  John's.  Besides 
these  large  vessels  the  British  had  thirty  long-boats 
from  the  squadron  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  many  flat- 
bottomed  boats,  a  heavily  armed  radeau,  a  gondola 
weighing  thirty  tons  which  had  been  left  by  the 
Americans  at  Quebec,  and  more  than  four  hundred 
bateaux  for  the  transportation  of  troops  and  supplies. 
According  to  Captain  Douglas,  commanding  the 
British  squadron  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  this  force 
included  "  above  thirty  fighting  vessels  of  different 
sorts  and  sizes."  In  this  contest  of  ship-building 
during  the  summer  of  1776  the  British  had  a  great 
advantage.  Their  fleet  of  men-of-war  and  transports 
in  the  St.  Lawrence  furnished  them  with  an  abund 
ant  force  of  ship  carpenters  and  other  artisans,  as 
well  as  regular  naval  crews  for  the  vessels  when 
finished.  It  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  165 

the  Americans  procured  a  sufficient  number  of 
mechanics  to  build  the  fleet  with  which  they  were 
later  obliged  to  meet  the  greatly  superior  force  which 
the  British  brought  against  them.  The  demand  for 
carpenters  in  the  seaport  towns  for  work  upon  public 
and  private  naval  craft  was  far  beyond  the  supply.1 
On  August  7,  General  Gates  issued  instructions 
to  Arnold  to  take  the  fleet  as  far  as  Split  Rock  or 
to,  but  not  beyond,  Isle  aux  Tetes,  and  there  make 
a  stand  against  the  enemy ;  but  if  the  British  had 
a  decidedly  superior  force,  Arnold  was  to  fall  back 
to  Ticonderoga.  Ten  days  later,  the  fleet  being  at 
Crown  Point,  an  advance  of  the  British  was  re 
ported.  At  this  time  Wyncoop,  who  commanded 
the  schooner  Royal  Savage,  claimed  also  to  be  still 
in  command  of  the  fleet.  The  conflicting  orders  of 
Arnold  and  Wyncoop  on  the  occasion  of  this  sup 
posed  advance  of  the  British  naturally  caused  con 
fusion.  Gates  ordered  Wyncoop  to  be  put  under 
arrest  and  sent  back  to  Ticonderoga  and  thence 
forth  Arnold's  authority  was  undisputed.  The  fleet 
left  Crown  Point  August  24,  went  into  Willsbor- 
ough  September  1,  having  encountered  a  severe 
storm,  and  on  the  18th  was  at  Isle  la  Motte.  Arnold 
then  wrote  to  Gates :  "  I  intend  first  fair  wind  to 
come  up  as  high  as  Isle  Valcour,  where  is  a  good 
harbour  and  where  we  shall  have  the  advantage  of 
attacking  the  enemy  in  the  open  Lake,  where  the 

1  Am.  Arch.,  IV,  iii,  4,  11-14,  49,  v,  437, 1397, 1460,  1464, 1694, 
V,  i,  563,  603,  744-746,  747,  797,  937,  969, 1277,  ii,  1178, 1179. 


166    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

row-galleys,  as  their  motion  is  quick,  will  give  us  a 
great  advantage  over  the  enemy;  and  if  they  are 
too  many  for  us,  we  can  retire." l  Arnold  appears, 
however,  to  have  remained  in  the  vicinity  of  Isle 
la  Motte  until  September  23.  The  American  fleet 
then  retreated  up  the  lake  to  the  strait  between 
Valcour  Island  and  the  New  York  shore.  This  lo 
cality,  which  had  previously  been  surveyed,  afforded 
an  excellent  and  secluded  anchorage  in  a  cove  on 
the  west  side  of  the  island,  almost  concealed  by  trees 
from  vessels  passing  up  the  lake  in  the  channel  to 
the  east  of  Valcour.  October  1,  Arnold  received  in 
telligence  that  the  British  were  nearly  ready  to  ad 
vance  from  St.  John's,  and  their  movement  began 
on  the  4th.2 

The  two  fleets  were  now  ready  for  the  conflict, 
and  a  statement  of  their  comparative  strength  at 
the  time  may  be  made.  The  American  force  under 
Brigadier-General  Benedict  Arnold  consisted  of  the 
sloop  Enterprise,  Captain  Dickenson,  carrying 
twelve  four-pounders,  ten  swivels,  and  fifty  men; 
the  schooners  Royal  Savage,  Captain  Hawley,  with 
four  six-pounders  and  eight  fours,  ten  swivels,  and 
fifty  men,  and  Revenge,  Captain  Seaman,  with  four 
four-pounders  and  four  twos,  ten  swivels,  and  thirty- 
five  men ;  the  gondolas  New  Haven,  Providence, 
Boston,  Spitfire,  Philadelphia,  Connecticut,  Jersey, 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  481. 

2  Ibid.,  i,  826,  1002,  1003,  1051,  1096,  1123,  1185-1187, 1201, 
1266,  1267,  ii,  185, 186,  481,  834,  835. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  167 

and  New  York,  each  carrying  one  twelve-pounder 
and  two  nines,  eight  swivels,  and  forty-five  men ;  and 
the  galleys  Lee  with  one  twelve-pounder,  one  nine, 
and  four  fours,  Trumbull  with  one  eighteen-pound- 
er,  one  twelve,  two  nines,  and  four  sixes,  Congress 
with  two  twelve -pounders,  two  eights,  and  four 
sixes,  and  Washington  with  one  eighteen-pounder, 
one  twelve,  two  nines,  and  four  fours,  the  galleys 
altogether  carrying  also  fifty -eight  swivels  and 
three  hundred  and  twenty-six  men.  The  Amer 
ican  force  on  the  lake  likewise  included  a  schooner, 
the  Liberty,  and  a  galley  called  the  Gates,  but  these 
two  vessels  took  no  part  in  subsequent  events.  The 
opposing  fleet  was  commanded  by  Captain  Thomas 
Pringle  of  the  British  navy,  who  had  with  him  on 
his  flagship  General  Carleton,  commanding  the  army. 
The  force  consisted  of  the  ship  Inflexible,  mounting 
eighteen  twelve-pounders  ;  the  schooners  Maria  with 
fourteen  six-pounders  and  Carleton  with  twelve 
sixes;  the  radeau  Thunderer  with  six  twenty-four- 
pounders,  six  twelves,  and  two  howitzers;  the  gon 
dola  Loyal  Convert,  seven  nine-pounders ;  twenty 
gunboats,  each  with  one  twenty-four-pounder  or  a 
nine  and  some  of  them  with  howitzers ;  four  long 
boats  armed  with  one  carriage  gun  each;  and  twenty- 
four  long-boats  loaded  with  provisions  and  stores. 
The  American  fleet  of  fifteen  vessels  therefore 
mounted  eighty-six  guns,  throwing  a  total  weight 
of  metal  of  six  hundred  and  five  pounds,  and  a  hun 
dred  and  fifty-two  swivels,  while  the  British  had 


168    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

about  the  same  number  of  guns,  but  much  heavier 
ones,  discharging  a  total  weight  of  over  a  thousand 
pounds.  The  superiority  of  heavy  guns  to  light  ones 
is  much  greater  than  in  proportion  to  the  difference 
in  weight  of  projectile,  one  twelve-pounder  being  far 
more  effective  than  two  sixes.  The  Inflexible  alone 
was  a  match  for  a  good  part  of  the  American  fleet; 
but  on  the  other  hand,  the  powerful  battery  of  the 
Thunderer  was  in  great  measure  useless  because  of 
her  slowness  and  clumsiness.  As  to  men,  the  full 
complement  of  the  American  fleet  was  eight  hun 
dred  and  twenty-one,  but  the  number  actually  en 
gaged  was  doubtless  much  smaller,  as  only  five  hun 
dred  had  been  obtained  by  October  1 ;  there  may 
have  been  about  seven  hundred  at  the  time  of  the 
battle,  and  those  in  large  part  at  least  of  poor  qual 
ity,  for  Arnold  had  to  take  what  he  could  get ;  their 
conduct  in  the  battles  that  followed,  however,  could 
not  have  been  better.  The  British  fleet  was  manned 
by  six  hundred  and  ninety-seven  officers  and  men 
from  the  regular  navy.  Arnold  hoisted  his  flag  on 
the  galley  Congress,  and  the  second  in  command, 
General  David  Waterbury,  on  the  galley  Washing 
ton.  Pringle  and  Carleton  were  both  on  the  schooner 
Maria.1 

The  British  fleet  anchored  during  the  night  of 

October  10  between  Grand  and  Long  Islands  and 

got  under  way  the  next  morning  with  a  northeast 

wind.  It  was  seen  at  eight  o'clock  by  the  Americans 

i  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  1123, 1201,  iii,  834, 1017,  1039, 1179. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  169 

off  Cumberland  Head.  Waterbury  promptly  went 
on  board  the  Congress  to  consult  with  Arnold,  to 
whom  he  expressed  the  "  opinion  that  the  fleet 
ought  immediately  to  come  to  sail  and  fight  them 
on  a  retreat  in  main  Lake,  as  they  were  so  much 
superiour  to  us  in  number  and  strength,  and  we 
being  in  such  a  disadvantageous  harbour  to  fight  a 
number  so  much  superiour  and  the  enemy  being 
able  with  their  small  boats  to  surround  us  on  every 
side,  as  I  knew  they  could,  we  lying  between  an 
island  and  the  main.  But  General  Arnold  was  of 
the  opinion  that  it  was  best  to  draw  the  fleet  in  a 
line  where  we  lay,  in  the  bay  of  Valcour.  The  fleet 
very  soon  came  up  with  us  and  surrounded  us,  when 
a  very  hot  engagement  ensued." l 

Through  neglecting  to  reconnoitre,  the  British 
did  not  discover  the  American  fleet  until  they  had 
passed  Valcour  Island,  and  it  was  then  necessary  to 
attack  from  the  leeward,  at  a  disadvantage.  Arnold, 
in  his  report  of  October  12  to  General  Gates,  says 
that  when  the  British  were  first  seen  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  llth,  "  we  immediately  prepar'd  to  re 
ceive  them,  the  gallies  and  Koyal  Savage  were  or 
dered  under  way,  the  rest  of  our  fleet  lay  at  anchor. 
At  Eleven  O  'Clock  [the  enemy]  ran  under  the  lee 
of  Valcour  &  began  the  attack.  The  schooner 
[Royal  Savage]  by  some  bad  management  fell  to 
lee-ward  and  was  first  attack'd,  one  of  her  masts 
was  wounded  &  her  rigging  shot  away ;  the  Captain 
1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1224. 


170    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

thought  prudent  to  run  her  on  the  point  of  Valcour, 
where  all  the  men  were  saved.  ...  At  half  past 
twelve  the  engagement  became  general  &  very  warm. 
Some  of  the  enemy's  ships  &  all  their  Gondolas 
beat  &  row'd  up  within  musket  shot  of  us.  ... 
The  Enemy  landed  a  large  number  of  Indians  on 
the  Island  &  each  shore,  who  kept  an  incessant  fire 
on  us,  but  did  little  damage ;  the  Enemy  had  to  ap 
pearance  upwards  of  one  thousand  men  in  batteaus 
prepared  for  boarding.  We  suffered  much  for  want 
of  Seamen  and  gunners;  I  was  obliged  myself  to 
point  most  of  the  guns  on  board  the  Congress,  which 
I  believe  did  good  execution."  The  enemy  "  contin 
ued  a  very  hot  fire  with  round  &  Grape  Shot  until 
five  O  Clock  when  they  thought  proper  to  retire  to 
about  six  or  seven  hundred  yards  distance  &  con 
tinued  [their  fire]  until  dark."1  Arnold's  decision 
to  hold  his  ground  and  fight  was  wise ;  retreat  would 
have  been  demoralizing  and  disastrous. 

Captain  Pi-ingle's  report,  dated  October  15,  says  : 
"  Upon  the  llth  I  came  up  with  the  rebel  fleet  com 
manded  by  Benedict  Arnold.  They  were  at  anchor 
under  the  island  of  Valicour  and  formed  a  strong 
line  extending  from  the  island  to  the  west  side  of 
the  continent.  The  wind  was  so  unfavorable  that 
for  a  considerable  time  nothing  could  be  brought 
into  action  with  them  but  the  gun  boats ;  the  Carle- 
ton  schooner,  commanded  by  Mr.  Dacres,  by  much 
perseverance  at  last  got  to  their  assistance,  but  as 
1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  3, 163 ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1038. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  171 

none  of  the  other  vessels  of  the  fleet  could  then  get 
up,  I  did  not  think  it  by  any  means  adviseable  to 
continue  so  partial  and  unequal  a  combat.  Conse 
quently,  with  the  approbation  of  his  excellency  gen 
eral  Carleton,  who  did  me  the  honour  of  being  on 
board  the  Maria,  I  called  off  the  Carleton  and  gun 
boats  and  brought  the  whole  fleet  to  anchor  in  a 
line  as  near  as  possible  to  the  rebels,  that  their  re 
treat  might  be  cut  off." 1 

Of  the  American  losses  Arnold  says :  "  The  Con 
gress  and  Washington  have  suffered  greatly ;  the 
latter  lost  her  first  Lieutenant  killed,  Captain  and 
Master  wounded.  .  .  .  The  Congress  reciev'd  seven 
shot  between  wind  and  water,  was  hull'd  a  dozen 
times,  had  her  main  mast  wounded  in  two  places,  & 
her  yard  in  one  ;  the  Washington  was  hull'd  a  num 
ber  of  times,  her  main  mast  shot  through  &  must 
have  a  new  one.  Both  vessels  are  very  leaky  and 
want  repairing.  .  .  .  The  New  York  lost  all  her 
officers  except  her  Captain.  The  Philada.  was  hull'd 
in  so  many  places  that  she  sunk  about  one  hour 
after  the  engagement  was  over.  The  whole  kill'd  & 
wounded  amounted  to  about  sixty."  After  dark  the 
British  set  fire  to  the  Koyal  Savage,  fearing  that 
the  Americans  would  again  take  possession  of  her 
and  float  her  ,•  she  soon  blew  up.  In  concluding  his 
report  Arnold  says :  "  I  cannot  in  justice  to  the 

1  London  Chronicle,  November  26,  1776 ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii, 
1069 ;  Almon,  iv,  86.  For  reports  of  Douglas  and  Carleton,  see 
Ibid.,  84. 


172    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

officers  in  the  fleet  omit  mentioning  their  spirited 
conduct  during  the  action." l 

After  the  battle  was  over  it  was  evident  that 
the  American  fleet  could  not  endure  another  day's 
contest  under  such  disadvantages.  "On  consult 
ing  with  General  Waterbury  &  Colo.  Wiggles- 
worth,"  says  Arnold,  "  it  was  thought  prudent  to 
return  to  Crown  point,  every  vessel's  ammunition 
being  nearly  three  fourths  spent  &  the  Enemy 
greatly  superior  to  us  in  Ships  and  men.  At  7 
O  Clock  Col.  Wiggles  worth  in  the  Trumbull  got 
under  way,  the  Gondolas  and  small  vessels  followed, 
&  the  Congress  and  Washington  brought  up  the 
rear  ;  the  Enemy  did  not  attempt  to  molest  us."  2 
Waterbury  says  that  a  council  was  held,  "to 
secure  a  retreat  through  their  fleet  to  get  to  Crown 
Point,  which  was  done  with  so  much  secrecy  that 
we  went  through  them  entirely  undiscovered."3 
It  is  remarkable  that  thirteen  American  vessels 
should  have  been  able  to  pass  through  the  British 
fleet  without  detection.  Pringle  merely  says  that 
his  purpose  to  cut  off  their  retreat  was  "  frustrated 
by  the  extreme  obscurity  of  the  night,  and  in  the 
morning  the  rebels  had  got  a  considerable  distance 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  3,  163.    On  the  whole  campaign,  see 
Dawson's  Battles  of  the  United  States,  ch.  xiii,  with  official  reports 
and  many  references  ;  Mahan's  account  in  Clowes,  iii,  354-370,  and 
in  Scribner's  Mag.,  February,  1898 ;  Amer.  Hist.  Eecord,  October, 
November,  1874 ;  Coll.  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.,  vii  (1899),  239-291. 

2  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  3,  163. 
8  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1224. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  173 

from  us  up  the  Lake." l  It  has  been  suggested  that 
Arnold  led  his  fleet  around  the  north  end  of  Val- 
cour  and  so  avoided  the  British  fleet.2 

The  Americans  retreated  south  up  the  lake,  and 
early  in  the  morning,  October  12,  reached  Schuyler's 
Island,  ten  miles  from  Valcour.  Here  Arnold  wrote 
his  report  to  General  Gates  of  the  preceding  day's 
battle,  adding :  "  Most  of  the  fleet  is  this  min 
ute  come  to  an  anchor ;  the  Wind  is  small  to  the 
Southward.  The  Enemy's  fleet  is  under  way  to  Lee 
ward  and  beating  up.  As  soon  as  our  leaks  are 
stopp'd  the  whole  fleet  will  make  the  utmost  dispatch 
to  Crown  point,  where  I  beg  you  will  send  ammu 
nition  &  your  farther  orders  for  us.  On  the  whole, 
I  think  we  have  had  a  very  fortunate  escape." 3 
But  it  was  too  early  to  talk  of  escape,  with  the 
enemy  in  hot  pursuit.  Such  repairs  as  were  possi 
ble  were  hastily  made ;  two  of  the  gondolas  were 
so  much  injured  that  it  was  necessary  to  abandon 
them,  and  they  were  sunk.  "  We  remained  no 
longer  at  Schuyler's  Island,"  says  Arnold  in  a  later 
report,  "  than  to  stop  our  leaks  and  mend  the  sails 
of  the  Washington.  At  two  o'clock  P.M.,  the  12th, 
weighed  anchor  with  a  fresh  breeze  to  the  south 
ward.  The  enemy's  fleet  at  the  same  time  got  under 

1  London  Chronicle,  November  26,  1776. 

2  Amer.  Hist.  Eec.,  November,  1874,  and  Mag.  Amer.  Hist., 
June,  1881.    The  author,  W.  C.  Watson,  presents  strong  though 
not  wholly  convincing  evidence  in  favor  of  this  view. 

»  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  152,  3,  163. 


174    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

way ;  our  gondola  made  very  little  way  ahead."  1 
Waterbury  says  of  Ms  vessel,  the  Washington,  that 
she  was  "so  torn  to  pieces  that  it  was  almost  impos 
sible  to  keep  her  above  water  ;  my  sails  was  so  shot 
that  carrying  sail  split  them  from  foot  to  head."  "  In 
the  evening,"  continues  Arnold,  "  the  wind  moder 
ated  and  we  made  such  progress  that  at  six  o'clock 
next  morning  we  were  about  off  Willsborough, 
twenty-eight  miles  from  Crown  Point.  The  enemy's 
fleet  were  very  little  way  above  Schuyler's  Island. 
The  wind  breezed  up  to  the  southward,  so  that  we 
gained  very  little  by  beating  or  rowing ;  at  the 
same  time  the  enemy  took  a  fresh  breeze  from  the 
northeast,  and  by  the  time  we  had  reached  Split 
Rock,  were  alongside  of  us.  The  Washington  and 
Congress  were  in  the  rear ;  the  rest  of  our  fleet 
were  ahead,  except  two  gondolas  sunk  at  Schuyler's 
Island."2 

Waterbury's  story  of  the  retreat  on  the  night  of 
October  12  and  the  next  morning  gives  fuller  de 
tails.  "  The  enemy  still  pursued  all  night.  I  found 
next  morning  that  they  gained  upon  us  very  fast 
and  that  they  would  very  soon  overtake  me.  The 
rest  of  the  fleet  all  being  much  ahead  of  me,  I  sent 
my  boat  on  board  of  General  Arnold,  to  get  liberty 
to  put  my  wounded  in  the  boat  and  send  them  for 
ward  and  run  my  vessel  on  shore  and  blow  her  up. 
I  received  for  answer,  by  no  means  to  run  her 

1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1079  (to  General  Schuyler,  October  15, 1776). 

2  Ibid. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  175 

ashore,  but  to  push  forward  to  Split  Rock,  where 
he  would  draw  the  fleet  in  a  line  and  engage  them 
again ;  but  when  I  came  to  Split  Rock,  the  whole 
fleet  was  making  their  escape  as  fast  as  they  could 
and  left  me  in  the  rear  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
But  before  I  struck  to  them,  the  ship  of  eighteen 
twelve-pounders  [Inflexible]  and  a  schooner  of 
fourteen  six-pounders  [Maria]  had  surrounded  me, 
which  obliged  me  to  strike,  and  I  thought  it  prudent 
to  surrender  myself  prisoner  pf  war."  1 

Arnold's  narrative  of  the  running  fight  continues : 
"  The  Washington  galley  was  in  such  a  shattered 
condition  and  had  so  many  men  killed  and  wounded, 
she  struck  to  the  enemy  after  receiving  a  few 
broadsides.  We  were  then  attacked  in  the  Congress 
galley  by  a  ship  mounting  eighteen  twelve-pounders, 
a  schooner  of  fourteen  sixes  and  one  of  twelve  sixes, 
two  under  our  stern  and  one  on  our  broadsides, 
within  musket  shot.  They  kept  up  an  incessant  fire 
on  us  for  about  five  glasses  with  round  and  grape 
shot,  which  we  returned  as  briskly.  The  sails,  rig 
ging  and  hull  of  the  Congress  were  shattered  and 
torn  in  pieces,  the  First  Lieutenant  and  three  men 
killed,  when  to  prevent  her  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  who  had  seven  sail  around  me,  I  ran  her 
ashore  in  a  small  creek  ten  miles  from  Crown  Point, 
on  the  east  side  ;  when,  after  saving  our  small  arms, 
I  set  her  on  fire  with  four  gondolas,  with  whose 
crews  I  reached  Crown  Point  through  the  woods 
i  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1224. 


176    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

that  evening  and  very  luckily  escaped  the  savages 
who  waylaid  the  road  in  two  hours  after  we  passed." 1 
Pringle's  report  says:  "Upon  the  13th  I  again 
saw  11  sail  of  their  fleet  making  off  to  Crown 
Point,  who,  after  a  chace  of  seven  hours,  I  came 
up  with  in  the  Maria,  having  the  Carleton  and  In 
flexible  a  small  distance  astern;  the  rest  of  the 
fleet  almost  out  of  sight.  The  action  began  at  twelve 
o'clock  and  lasted  two  hours,  at  which  time  Arnold 
in  the  Congress  galley  and  five  gondolas  ran  on 
shore  and  were  directly  abandoned  and  blown  up 
by  the  enemy,  a  circumstance  they  were  greatly 
favoured  in  by  the  wind  being  off  shore  and  the 
narrowness  of  the  lake."  2  The  British  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  about  forty.  A  letter  from  Albany, 
dated  October  17,  says  that  the  second  engagement 
was  fought  "  most  of  the  time  in  musket  shot,  very 
warm  and  sharp,  in  which  our  men  conducted  with 
inimitable  spirit  and  bravery,  but  were  obliged  to 
submit  to  superior  strength.  In  this  affair  our  fleet 
is  almost  totally  ruined ;  only  one  galley  escaped, 
with  sloop  Enterprise  and  two  small  schooners  3  and 
one  gondola ;  the  rest  all  taken,  burnt  an(J  de 
stroyed."  The  Washington  "  is  the  only  vessel  that 
the  enemy  possessed  themselves  of.  Col.  Wiggles- 
worth  in  the  Trumbull  galley  is  arrived  at  Ticonder- 


1  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1080. 

2  London  Chronicle,  November  26,  1776. 

8  One  of  these  must  have  been  the  Liberty  which  was  not  in 
the  action. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  177 

oga."  l  Arnold  concludes  his  story  of  this  series  of 
disasters  by  recounting  that  at  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning  of  October  14  he  reached  Ticonderoga 
"exceedingly  fatigued  and  unwell,  having  been 
without  sleep  or  refreshment  for  near  three  days.  Of 
our  whole  fleet  we  have  saved  only  two  galleys,  two 
small  schooners,  one  gondola  and  one  sloop.  Gen 
eral  Waterbury  with  one  hundred  and  ten  prisoners 
were  returned  [on  parole]  by  Carleton  last  night. 
On  board  of  the  Congress  we  had  twenty  odd  men 
killed  and  wounded.  Our  whole  loss  amounts  to 
eighty  odd.  The  enemy's  fleet  were  last  night  three 
miles  below  Crown  Point ;  their  army  is  doubtless 
at  their  heels."  2  An  early  attack  on  Ticonderoga 
was  expected. 

Captain  Douglas  at  Quebec,  when  he  learned  of  the 
British  victory,  wrote  to  the  Admiralty :  "  The  ship 
Inflexible  with  the  Maria  and  Carleton  schooners, 
all  reconstructions,  did  the  whole  of  the  second 
day's  business,  the  flat-bottomed  rideau  called  the 
Thunderer  and  the  gondola  called  the  Loyal  Con 
vert,  with  the  gunboats,  not  having  been  able  to  keep 
up  with  them."3  The  British  ship  and  schooners, 
armed  with  eighteen  twelve-pounders  and  twenty- 
six  sixes,  had  the  Americans  at  their  mercy,  es 
pecially  in  the  running  fight  of  the  13th.  The  clumsy 
gondolas  were  practically  useless  and  the  galleys 
not  much  better. 

1  Boston  Gazette,  October  28, 1776.       2  Am.  Arch.,  V,  ii,  1080. 
8  Ibid.,  1178.  For  Carleton'g  report,  see  Ibid.,  1040. 


178    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Ezra  Green,  a  surgeon  in  the  American  army 
wrote  from  Ticonderoga,  October  30,  to  a  friend, 
giving  a  brief  account  of  the  battles  on  the  lake  and 
of  subsequent  events.  He  says  the  American  pris 
oners,  after  their  release  on  parole,  reported  that 
they  had  been  "  treated  very  kindly  by  the  Indians 
as  well  as  by  the  King's  troops  who  were  at  the 
time  at  Crown  Point  within  15  miles  of  this  place, 
where  they  have  been  ever  since  the  destruction  of 
our  Fleet.  We  have  lately  been  alarm'd  several 
times.  On  Monday  morning  last  there  was  a  proper 
alarm  occasioned  by  a  number  of  the  enemies  boats 
which  hove  in  sight,  and  a  report  from  a  scouting 
party  that  the  Enemy  were  moving  on ;  where  the 
Fleet  is  now  I  can't  learn,  or  what  is  the  reason 
they  don't  come  on  I  can't  conceive.  'T  is  thought 
they  are  10  or  12  thousand  strong,  including  Cana 
dians  and  Indians.  We  are  in  a  much  better  situa 
tion  now  than  we  were  fourteen  days  ago  and  the 
militia  are  continually  coming  in.  Our  sick  are  re 
covering  and  it  is  thought  we  are  as  ready  for  them 
now  as  ever  we  shall  be.  There  has  been  a  vast 
deal  of  work  done  since  the  fight  and  we  think  our 
selves  in  so  good  a  position  that  we  shall  be  disap 
pointed  if  they  don't  attack  us.  However,  I  believe 
they  wait  for  nothing  but  a  fair  wind." 1 

By  the  time  the  British  had  taken  Crown  Point 
the  season  was  far  advanced.  This  fact  and  the 
presence  of  a  formidable  American  force  deterred 

1  Diary  of  Ezra  Green,  5,  6. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  179 

them  from  at  once  attempting  the  capture  of  Ticon- 
deroga.  They  withdrew  to  Canada  for  the  winter, 
and  their  purpose  of  occupying  the  valley  of  the 
Hudson  and  separating  New  England  from  the 
other  states  was  put  off.  They  returned  the  next 
year  under  General  Burgoyne,  but  the  opportunity 
had  passed.  Howe  had  gone  to  Philadelphia  and 
Burgoyne,  unsupported  from  the  south,  was  forced 
to  surrender  his  army  at  Saratoga.  The  French 
alliance  followed  as  a  direct  consequence.  The 
American  naval  supremacy  on  Lake  Champlain  in 
the  summer  of  1776  had  compelled  the  British  to 
spend  precious  time  in  building  a  fleet  strong 
enough  to  overcome  it.  The  American  defeat  which 
followed  was  a  victory.  The  obstruction  to  the  Brit 
ish  advance  and  a  year's  delay  saved  the  American 
cause  from  almost  certain  ruin.  It  thus  came  about 
through  a  singular  instance  of  the  irony  of  fate,  not 
altogether  pleasant  to  contemplate,  that  we  owe  the 
salvation  of  our  country  at  a  critical  juncture  to  one 
of  the  blackest  traitors  in  history. 

The  end  of  the  year  1776  found  the  War  for  In- 
dependence  well  advanced  and  a  fair  share  of  the 
strife  had  fallen  upon  the  sea  forces  of  the  Revolu 
tionists.  A  comparatively  few  small  vessels,  mostly 
converted  merchantmen,  under  Continental  and  state 
authority,  supplemented  by  privateers,  had  done  the 
enemy  a  good  deal  of  injury.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  make  even  an  approximate  estimate  of  the  num- 


180    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ber  of  American  privateers  at  this  period.  Thirty- 
four  were  commissioned  by  the  Continental  Con 
gress  in  1776  ;  probably  a  much  larger  number  by 
the  various  states,  as  Continental  letters  of  marque 
do  not  seem  to  have  come  into  common  use  at  this 
early  date.1 

In  1776  the  British  navy  appears  to  have  had 
somewhat  more  than  a  hundred  vessels  in  active  serv 
ice  manned  by  twenty-eight  thousand  seamen  and 
marines.  According  to  the  returns  of  Admiral  Shuld- 
ham  the  fleet  on  the  North  American  station  com 
prised  forty-three  vessels  of  all  classes  in  March  and 
fifty-four  in  July.  Probably  forty  of  these  were  su 
perior  to  the  best  ships  on  the  American  side  in  that 
year.  In  September,  Admiral  Howe  reported  a  total 
of  seventy  vessels  on  the  station.  In  November,  ac 
cording  to  a  letter  from  London,  "  the  Marine  Force 
of  England  now  in  America  consists  of  two  ships 
of  the  line,  ten  fifties,  and  seventy-one  frigates 
and  armed  vessels,  amounting  in  the  whole  to 
eighty-three  ships  and  vessels  of  war  and  15000 
seamen."  2 

The  British  attempted  to  meet  the  difficulties 
encountered  in  manning  their  ships  by  impressing 
Americans  that  fell  into  their  hands  or  by  inducing 
them  to  enlist.  Their  crews  were  thereby  made  up 

1  Naval  Records  of  the  American  Revolution  (calendar),  217- 
495. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  February  24, 1777 ;  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D. 
484,  March  22,  July  6,  1776,  A.  D.  J&7,  July  28,  September  18, 
1776;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  i,  463,  ii,  1318 ;  Schomberg,  iv,  318-321. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  181 

in  part  of  unreliable  material  which  required  close 
watching.  The  disadvantages  of  this  state  of  things 
appear  in  a  letter  of  Shuldham  to  the  Admiralty  call 
ing  their  attention  to  the  many  supernumeraries  in 
the  ships'  companies.  He  says :  "  I  must  beg  they 
will  please  to  observe  that  these  being  composed  of 
Men  taken  out  of  the  Rebel  Vessels,  no  confidence 
can  be  placed  in  them,  and  although  the  Captains 
of  His  Majesty's  Ships  under  my  Command  have 
all  of  them  more  or  less  entered  Americans  to  fill 
up  their  Complements  and  are  now  by  the  Law  em 
powered  to  do  so  with  regard  to  Men  taken  in  fu 
ture,  yet  it  deserves  to  be  seriously  considered  that 
if,  by  a  constant  diminution  of  the  British  Seamen 
upon  this  Service,  this  measure  was  carried  to  ex 
cess  without  any  Supply  from  home  to  be  distrib 
uted  among  the  Fleet,  the  consequence  may  be 
very  alarming;  their  Lordships  will  therefore  see 
the  necessity  there  is  of  my  keeping  compleat  the 
parties  of  Marines  belonging  to  the  different 
Ships."  i 

From  March  10, 1776,  to  the  end  of  the  year  the 
British  took  a  hundred  and  forty  American  vessels 
and  recaptured  twenty-six,  said  to  be  mostly  small 
trading  vessels.  American  cruisers  made  three  hun 
dred  and  forty-two  captures  from  the  British,  of 
which  forty-four  were  recaptured,  eighteen  released, 
and  five  burned  at  sea,  and  the  rest  brought  into 
port.  The  Continental  navy  alone  made  over  sixty 
1  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  484,  April  25,  1776. 


182    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

captures.1  Besides  the  loss  inflicted  upon  commerce, 
troops  and  valuable  military  stores  had  been  inter 
cepted,  the  evacuation  of  Boston  had  been  hastened, 
and,  most  important  of  all,  the  British  advance  from 
Canada  had  been  checked. 

The  outlook  for  the  next  year  was  full  of  prom 
ise  and  encouragement  for  the  Americans.  Besides 
the  smaller  vessels  of  the  Continental  navy,  which 
had  already  done  good  service,  it  was  expected  that 
thirteen  fine  new  frigates  would  soon  be  in  commis 
sion.  Experience  and  training  were  beginning  to 
tell  in  greater  efficiency,  and  several  of  the  captains 
showed  signs  of  a  capacity  for  developing  superior 
military  and  naval  qualities.  October  10,  1776, 
Congress  revised  the  navy  list  and  established  the 
relative  rank  of  twenty-four  captains.  This  difficult 
and  delicate  task,  though  doubtless  influenced  to  some 
extent  by  political  and  personal  considerations,  was 
probably  done  with  as  much  wisdom  and  justice  as 
could  have  been  expected  with  the  knowledge  of 
conditions  possessed  by  Congress  at  the  time.  The 
arrangement  caused  dissatisfaction,  however,  on  the 
part  of  some  officers,  especially  John  Paul  Jones, 
who  as  eighteenth  on  the  list  felt  that,  having  been 
the  senior  lieutenant,  he  should  have  stood  much 
higher  upon  promotion.  Some  months  later  he  wrote 
to  Robert  Morris  regarding  the  qualifications  of 

1  London  Chronicle,  May  15,  1777 ;  Am.  Arch.,  V,  iii,  1523-1530 ; 
Almon,  iv,  312,  v,  103-107 ;  Neeser's  Statistical  History  of  U.  S. 
Navy,  ii,  24, 284 ;  Clowes,  iii,  396,  giving  smaller  figures.  Probably 
all  the  lists  are  incomplete. 


LAKE  CHAMPLAIN,  1776  183 

officers :  "  I  cannot  but  lament  that  so  little  deli 
cacy  hath  been  Observed  in  the  Appointment  and 
Promotion  of  Officers  in  the  Sea  Service,  many  of 
whom  are  not  only  grossly  illiterate,  but  want  even 
the  Capacity  of  commanding  Merchant  Vessells.  I 
was  lately  on  a  Court  Martial  where  a  Captain  of 
Marines  made  his  Mark  and  where  the  President 
could  not  read  the  Oath  which  he  attempted  to  ad 
minister,  without  Spelling  and  making  blunders. 
As  the  Sea  Officers  are  so  subject  to  be  seen  by  for 
eigners,  what  conclusions  must  they  draw  of  Amer 
icans  in  general  from  Characters  so  Rude  &  Con 
tracted.  In  my  Judgement  the  Abilities  of  Sea 
Officers  ought  to  be  as  far  Superior  to  the  abilities 
of  officers  in  the  Army  as  the  nature  of  a  Sea  Serv 
ice  is  more  complicated  and  admits  of  a  greater 
number  of  Cases  than  can  possibly  happen  on  the 
Land ;  therefore  the  discipline  by  Sea  ought  to  be 
the  more  perfect  and  regular,  were  it  compatible 
with  short  Enlistments."1 

The  last  important  naval  legislation  of  the  year 
1776  was  passed  November  20,  when  the  Contin 
ental  Congress  resolved  to  build  three  ships  of  sev 
enty-four  guns  each,  five  frigates  of  thirty-six  guns, 
an  eighteen-gun  brig,  and  a  packet  boat.  Only  four 
of  these  vessels  were  completed,  and  those  under 
modifications  of  the  act  generally  reducing  their 
size.2  These  four  were  the  ship  of  the  line  America 

1  Jones  MSS.,  July  28,  1777.  See  Sands,  59-65,  304-310. 

2  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  November  20,  1776,  July  25,  1777. 


184    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

of  seventy-four  guns,  the  frigate  Alliance,  and  two 
sloops  of  war,  the  General  Gates  and  the  Saratoga. 
Only  the  last  three  ever  served  in  the  Continental 
navy. 


CHAPTER  VII 

NAVAL    OPERATIONS   IN    1777 

OWING  to  various  causes  the  thirteen  frigates  pro 
vided  for  by  Congress  in  1775  were  much  delayed 
in  fitting  out  and  going  into  commission,  and  some 
of  them  never  got  to  sea.  The  Warren  and  Provi 
dence  were  perhaps  the  first  to  be  completed,  but 
the  difficulty  of  manning  them  and  the  occupation 
of  Newport  and  the  lower  bay  by  the  British  kept 
them  in  port.  Commodore  Hopkins  hoisted  his  pen 
nant  on  the  Warren  early  in  December,  1776,  per 
haps  before,  and  anchored  her  in  the  Providence 
River.  He  had  with  him  also  the  frigate  Providence, 
the  ship  Columbus,  the  brig  Hampden,  and  the 
sloop  Providence.  January  2,  1777,  Hopkins,  hav 
ing  been  informed  that  the  British  frigate  Diamond 
was  aground  near  Warwick  Neck  below  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  went  down  to  the  vicinity  in  the  sloop 
Providence.  The  Diamond  managed  to  get  off  dur 
ing  the  night ;  for  allowing  her  to  escape  Hopkins 
was  much  criticized.  Writing,  March  13,  to  Wil 
liam  Ellery,  the  commodore  says  in  self-defense  that 
as  it  was  blowing  very  hard  it  was  thought  best  not 
to  try  to  get  the  frigates  down  the  river.  When  he 
arrived  on  the  scene  in  the  Providence  he  "  found 
the  Diamond  ashore  on  a  shoal  which  runs  off  S.  W. 


186    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

from  Patience,  about  half  a  mile  from  that  Island 
and  a  little  more  S.  E.  from  Warwick  Neck,  and  as 
there  is  about  eleven  feet  of  water  on  that  shoal  at 
low  water  and  not  a  very  hard  bottom  and  the  tide 
about  half  down,  she  did  not  careen.  There  lay 
about  one  mile  and  a  half  "  away  "  a  fifty  gun  ship 
with  her  top-sails  loose  and  her  anchor  apeak,  who, 
as  the  wind  was,  could  have  fetch'd  within  pistol 
shot  of  the  Diamond,  but  the  wind  blowing  so  hard 
was  I  think  the  reason  of  her  not  coming  to  sail. 
The  truth  is  the  ships  could  not  have  got  down,  and 
if  the  wind  had  not  blow'd  so  hard  and  they  could, 
it  would  not  in  my  judgment  have  been  prudent, 
neither  should  I  have  ordered  them  down,  as  the 
enemy's  ships  could  have  come  to  sail  with  any  wind 
that  our  ships  could  and  a  great  deal  better,  as  they 
lay  in  a  wide  channel  and  we  in  a  narrow  and  very 
crooked  one.  ...  I  went  ashore  at  "Warwick  and 
saw  Colonel  Bowen,  who  told  me  he  had  sent  for 
two  eighteen  pounders,  and  in  less  than  half  an 
hour  they  came.  I  went  on  board  the  sloop  and  we 
dropp'd  down  under  the  ship's  stern  a  little  more 
than  musket  shott  off,  it  being  then  a  little  after  sun 
sett.  We  fired  a  number  of  shott,  which  she  re 
turned  from  her  stern  chacers.  The  ship  careen'd 
at  dusk  about  as  much  as  she  would  have  done  had 
she  been  under  sail.  After  they  had  fired  about 
twenty-six  shott  from  the  shore,  they  ceased  and 
soon  after  hail'd  the  sloop  and  said  they  wanted  to 
speak  with  me.  I  went  ashore  and  was  informed 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  187 

they  were  out  of  ammunition.  I  offer'd  them  powder 
and  stuff  for  wads,  but  we  had  no  shott  that  would 
do.  They  sent  to  Providence  for  powder  and  shott 
and  I  went  on  board  the  sloop  and  sent  some  junk 
ashore  for  wads.  Soon  after  they  hail'd  again  from 
the  shore  and  I  went  to  see  what  they  wanted  and 
gave  Capt.  Whipple  orders  not  to  fire  much  more, 
as  I  thought  it  would  do  but  little  execution,  it  being 
night  and  could  not  take  good  aim  with  the  guns. 
When  I  got  on  shore,  the  officer  that  commanded 
there  desir'd  I  would  let  them  have  some  bread  out 
of  the  sloop,  which  I  sent  the  boat  off  for,  but  the 
people  not  making  the  boat  well  fast,  while  they 
were  getting  the  bread  she  drifted  away  and  I  could 
not  get  aboard  again.  The  ship  by  lightening  got 
off  about  2  o'clock  the  same  night,  and  on  the 
whole,  as  the  ship  was  on  a  shoal  almost  under  cover 
of  a  50  gun  ship  and  got  off  again  before  it  was 
possible  to  have  done  anything  with  our  frigates,  I 
thought  it  of  no  moment."  l  Another  ship  took  the 
Diamond's  station  and  soon  after  this  an  abortive 
attempt  was  made  to  destroy  her  with  a  fireship.2 
Commodore  Parker,  commanding  the  British  fleet 
at  Newport,  wrote  to  the  Admiralty,  January  7 : 
"The  Continental  Fleet  is  in  Providence  River, 
beyond  our  reach  at  present."  3 

Hopkins  was  ordered  by  the  Marine  Committee, 

1  R.  L  Hist.  Mag.,  October,  1886;  Hopkins,  167-177. 

2  E.  L  Hist.  Mag.,  January,  1886,  journal  of  Lieutenant  Trevett. 
8  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  486.  See  also  Ibid.,  December  11, 1776. 


188    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

January  21,  to  get  the  Warren  and  Providence  to 
sea  as  soon  as  possible,  to  cruise  from  Rhode  Island 
to  Virginia.  But  the  commodore's  active  sea  service 
in  the  navy  had  already  come  to  an  end.  As  the 
result  of  a  petition  signed  by  some  of  the  Warren's 
officers  and  of  the  Marine  Committee's  examination 
of  one  of  them,  Captain  John  Grannis  of  the  ma 
rines,  Congress  resolved,  March  26,  that  "  Esek 
Hopkins  be  immediately  and  he  is  hereby  suspended 
from  his  command  in  the  American  Navy."  After 
passing  the  remainder  of  the  year  under  suspension, 
the  commodore  was  formally  dismissed  from  the 
service  January  2,  1778.  April  4, 1777,  Captains 
John  B.  Hopkins,  Abraham  Whipple,  and  Dudley 
Saltonstall  were  instructed  to  make  every  effort  to 
get  to  sea  with  the  frigates  Warren,  Providence, 
and  Trumbull,  in  search  of  British  transports  and 
merchantmen ;  but  these  vessels  were  doomed  to  idle 
away  the  entire  year  in  their  native  rivers.1 

The  plans  of  the  Marine  Committee  for  preying 
upon  British  commerce  and  the  movements  of 
American  armed  vessels  in  general  might  have  been 
effectually  hindered  if  the  British  commanders  had 
adopted  the  suggestions  offered  to  General  Howe 
by  Lord  George  Germain,  who  wrote  March  3, 
1777,  that  the  King  was  of  the  "  opinion  that  a 
warm  diversion  upon  the  coasts  of  the  Massachu- 

1  Hopkins,  185-203 ;  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  March  26, 1777,  January 
2, 1778;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  58,  225-230  (February  19,  1777),  235; 
Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  50,  65  (January  21,  April  4,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  189 

setts  Bay  and  New  Hampshire  would  not  only  im 
pede  the  levies  for  the  Continental  Army,  but  tend 
much  to  the  security  of  our  trade,  and  indeed  it 
scarcely  admits  a  doubt  but  that  these  benefits  must 
inevitably  result  from  such  an  arrangement.  For  as 
on  one  hand,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  expected  that  those 
provinces  will  part  with  men  when  their  presence 
must  be  wanted  for  the  internal  defence  of  their 
own  respective  districts,  so  on  the  other,  a  salutary 
check  will  unavoidably  be  put  to  the  successes  of 
the  rebel  privateers,  when  we  have  destroyed  or 
taken  possession  of  their  ports.  It  is,  therefore,  the 
King's  pleasure  that  Lord  Howe  and  you  take  this 
matter  into  your  serious  consideration  so  far  as  your 
intended  plan  will  admit."  1 

Early  in  the  year  the  Marine  Committee  had  in 
tended  sending  to  the  West  Indies,  and  along  the 
southern  coast  as  far  as  Pensacola  and  the  Missis 
sippi,  a  squadron  composed  of  the  Alfred  and  Cabot, 
then  at  Boston,  and  the  Columbus,  sloop  Providence 
and  Hampden,  in  the  Providence  River,  all  under 
the  command  of  John  Paul  Jones ;  but  the  project 
was  not  carried  out,  owing,  as  Jones  believed,  to  the 
opposition  of  Commodore  Hopkins.2  The  Colum 
bus  and  Hampden  remained  in  Narragansett  Bay 
several  months.  The  sloop  Providence,  Captain 
Jonathan  Pitcher,  ran  the  blockade  of  the  British 

1  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  58. 

2  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  52,  54  (February  1,  5,  1777) ;  Pap. 
Cont.  Congr.,  58,  117-121,  191,  197  (February  28,  March  1,  1777) ; 
Sands,  58,  59,  64. 


190    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

fleet  in  the  lower  bay  in  February,  passing  "  so  near 
a  50  gun  ship  about  2  A.M.  as  to  hear  them  talk 
ing  on  board."  She  went  into  New  Bedford  and  then 
made  a  cruise  to  the  eastward.  Off  Cape  Breton 
she  captured  a  transport  brig  with  a  small  body  of 
soldiers  for  Burgoyne's  army.  This  vessel  did  not  sur 
render,  however,  without  resistance.  John  Trevett, 
lieutenant  of  marines  on  the  Providence,  says  that 
the  "  brig  bore  down  on  us  and  began  a  fire  at  long 
shot ;  we  ran  from  her  about  one  hour,  until  we 
got  in  good  order  for  action,  when  we  took  in  sail 
and  let  her  come  up  close  along  side.  The  sea  being 
smooth,  we  cut  away  all  her  colors  in  forty  minutes 
and  they  began  to  be  slack,  but  in  a  few  minutes 
they  began  to  fire  as  brisk  as  ever  and  cut  our  sails 
and  rigging  badly ;  it  lasted  about  forty  minutes 
longer,  when  we  cut  away  her  main-topmast.  We 
hailed  them  without  a  trumpet,  being  close  on  her 
starboard  quarter,  to  know  whether  they  gave  up 
or  not,  and  the  answer  was  'yes.'  .  .  .  We  found 
she  was  direct  from  England  and  that  she  had  25 
soldiers  and  two  officers  on  board,  besides  the  crew, 
and  was  loaded  with  King's  stores  and  bound  for 
Quebec."  The  Providence  soon  afterwards  returned 
to  New  Bedford.1 

The  brig  Cabot,   Captain  Joseph  Olney,   also 

cruised  to  the  eastward,  and  in  March,  while  off 

the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  she  was  chased  by  the 

British  frigate  Milf ord.  The  captain  ran  her  ashore 

1  E.  L  Hist.  Mag.,  April,  1886. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  191 

and  had  just  time  to  escape  with  his  crew ;  they 
afterwards,  it  is  said,  seized  a  schooner  and  made 
their  way  back  to  Boston.  The  Milford,  "  after  a 
wearisome  struggle  of  14  days,  got  the  Continental 
Brig  Cabot  .  .  .  off,  and  sent  her  to  Halifax,  where 
she  arrived  and  is  now  fitting  out  with  the  greatest 
expedition  for  sea."  x  The  Cabot  was  taken  into  the 
British  navy  ;  she  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first 
vessel  of  the  Continental  navy  to  be  captured,  except 
the  Lexington,  which  was  recaptured. 

On  April  23  the  Marine  Committee  ordered  to 
sea  the  Alfred,  Captain  Hinman,  then  at  Boston, 
and  the  sloop  Providence,  which,  after  returning 
from  her  eastern  cruise,  had  been  put  under  the 
command  of  Captain  John  P.  Rathburne.  The  ves 
sels  were  to  cruise  separately  "  in  such  Latitudes 
as  will  be  most  likely  to  fall  in  with  and  intercept 
the  enemies  Transport  vessels  coming  to  reinforce 
or  supply  their  Army  at  New  York."  Continuing 
their  instructions  the  Committee  wrote :  "  You  are 
to  use  your  true  endeavours  to  take,  burn,  sink,  or 
destroy  as  many  of  the  enemies  Vessels  of  every 
kind,  as  it  may  be  your  good  fortune  to  fall  in  with. 
The  Prizes  you  may  be  lucky  enough  to  take  you 
will  send  into  such  Ports  of  the  United  States  as 
you  shall  think  will  be  the  safest  and  most  conveni 
ent.  ...  It  is  expected  from  every  Commander  in 

1  Boston  Gazette,  June  16,  1777  ;  Continental  Journal,  April  10, 
1777  ;  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  Captains'  Logs,  No.  607  (log  of  the  Mil- 
ford). 


192    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

our  Navy  that  lie  use  his  officers  and  people  well, 
still  preserving  strict  discipline  and  decorum ;  that 
Prisoners  be  treated  with  humanity ;  and  that  great 
care  be  taken  of  the  ships,  their  materials  and  stores, 
all  which  we  desire  you  will  carefully  observe  and 
advise  us  of  your  proceedings  by  every  opportunity. 
We  expect  your  most  dilligent  exertions  will  be  used 
to  execute  these  orders  with  all  possible  dispatch  and 
in  the  best  manner  for  the  service  of  your  Country." 
The  Alfred  was  to  return  to  port  by  July  1  and  then 
receive  fresh  orders.  The  Providence  was  to  cruise 
three  months,  and  if,  on  returning  to  port,  she  found 
no  further  instructions,  she  was  then  to  take  in 
provisions  and  proceed  on  another  three  months' 
cruise.1  The  Alfred  seems  to  have  performed  no  im 
portant  service  under  these  orders.  Indeed  she  prob 
ably  did  not  go  to  sea  at  all  before  July  ;  very  likely 
she  was  unable  to  enlist  a  crew  in  time. 

In  June  the  sloop  Providence  sailed  from  New 
Bedford,  and  off  Sandy  Hook  saw  a  ship,  brig, 
schooner,  and  sloop  standing  to  the  southeast  and 
followed  them.  "  About  3  P.M.,"  says  Lieutenant 
Trevett  in  his  journal,  "  we  came  up  with  the  ship, 
the  other  vessels  being  near  to  her  weather  bow, 
and  hailed  her.  She  had  her  pennant  and  ensign 
flying,  but  gave  us  no  answer  and  we  gave  her  a 
bow  gun,  intending  to  break  her  cabin  windows. 
We  drew  very  near  her,  but  the  wind  being  scant 
we  found  we  could  not  get  to  windward,  so  we  bore 
1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  70,  71  (April  23,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  193 

away  and  went  under  her  lee,  as  near  as  we  could, 
and  gave  her  a  good  broadside.  She  immediately 
gave  us  as  good  a  one  and  run  us  aboard  on  our 
starboard  quarter  and  hung  there  about  five  min 
utes,  until  she  broke  all  our  sweeps  that  were  lashed 
there.  At  the  same  time  the  brig  of  10  guns  and 
the  schooner  of  8  [guns]  lost  no  time,  all  three  of 
them  firing  into  us  at  once.  As  the  ship  fell  off  she 
gave  us  her  starboard  broadside  and  we  shot  ahead 
of  them  with  our  sails  and  rigging  much  cut  to 
pieces.  We  then  bore  away,  all  hands  employed  in 
fixing  our  rigging.  We  had  but  a  poor  crew  at  this 
time.  Our  loss  was  our  sailing  master,  Capt.  George 
Sinkins  of  Newport,  who  was  killed,  and  only  two 
or  three  men  slightly  wounded.  We  hove  him  over 
board,  got  our  rigging  repaired  as  soon  as  possible, 
and  made  sail  for  the  ship.  We  came  up  with  her 
just  after  sunset  with  a  determination  to  board  her, 
for  we  well  knew  if  we  carried  the  ship  that  the  rest 
of  the  vessels  would  fall  into  our  hands.  We  ran 
within  half  pistol  shot  and  gave  her  a  full  broad 
side,  but  all  three  of  them  played  their  part  so 
well  we  gave  it  up."  The  schooner  was  taken,  how 
ever,  and  from  her  it  was  learned  that  the  ship 
carried  sixteen  guns.  After  this  the  Providence 
cruised  several  weeks  in  the  Gulf  Stream.  A  sail 
was  seen,  acting  strangely,  and  was  chased,  and 
upon  coming  up  with  her  in  the  night,  she  was  found 
to  be  an  abandoned  ship,  evidently  French,  under 
full  sail ;  rudderless,  though  otherwise  in  good  con- 


194    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

dition.  It  being  apparently  impracticable  to  get  her 
into  port,  she  was  burned  to  prevent  her  falling  into 
British  hands.  The  Providence  returned  to  New 
Bedford  in  August.1 

Meanwhile  Captain  Jones  remained  on  shore, 
having  held  out  to  him  successively  various  promises 
of  active  employment  afloat.  The  disappointment 
of  his  expectation  of  taking  a  squadron  to  sea 
occurred  a  few  weeks  after  his  arrival  at  Boston  in 
the  Alfred,  in  December,  1776.  In  March  he  was 
appointed  to  command  one  of  three  vessels  which 
Congress  had  ordered  to  be  purchased  at  Boston. 
In  May  he  was  directed  to  proceed  to  France  in  the 
ship  Amphitrite,  which  had  brought  over  military 
stores,  and  after  his  arrival  there  the  American 
Commissioners  were  expected,  by  order  of  Congress, 
to  procure  for  him  the  command  of  a  frigate.  These 
plans  were  abandoned  in  turn ;  and  June  14, 1777, 
he  was  given  command  of  the  new  eighteen-gun 
ship  Ranger,  just  built  at  Portsmouth.  On  the 
same  day  it  was  resolved  in  Congress :  "  That  the 
flag  of  the  thirteen  United  States  be  thirteen  stripes 
alternate  red  and  white ;  that  the  Union  be  thirteen 
stars,  white  in  a  blue  field,  representing  a  new  con 
stellation."  Jones  is  said  to  have  hoisted  this  flag 
on  the  Ranger  for  the  first  time  it  was  ever  raised 
on  any  man-of-war.  For  several  months  after  that 
he  was  busy  fitting  out  his  ship.  The  Ranger  was 
one  hundred  and  sixteen  feet  long  over  all,  twenty- 
i  R.  I.  Hist  Mag.,  April,  1886. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  195 

eight  feet  wide,  and  measured  three  hundred  and 
eight  tons.  She  mounted  eighteen  six-pounders ;  she 
was  pierced  for  twenty-six  guns,  but  Jones  consid 
ered  her  too  light  a  ship  for  so  heavy  an  armament.1 
The  Randolph,  built  at  Philadelphia,  was  one  of 
the  first  of  the  frigates  to  be  ready  for  service,  but 
the  close  blockade  of  Delaware  Bay  held  her  and 
other  Continental  vessels  in  port  several  weeks; 
then  there  was  further  delay  due  to  ice  in  the  river. 
January  30,  1777,  the  frigate  was  ordered  to  sail 
"the  moment  the  Ice  will  permit,"  accompanied 
by  the  Hornet  and  Fly  and  a  convoy  of  merchant 
men,  to  be  escorted  "fairly  off  to  sea."  In  these 
orders,  signed  for  the  Marine  Committee  by  Robert 
Morris,  Captain  Biddle  received  general  instructions 
as  to  his  conduct.  "  For  your  encouragement  in  this 
service,"  says  Morris,  "  I  must  observe  that  there 
are  no  Cruizing  Ships  an  over  match  for  you,  ex 
cept  the  two  Deckers,  for  altho  you  think  you  have 
not  seamen  enough,  yet  that  is  just  their  case ; 
except  the  Roebuck  there  is  none  of  them  half 
manned,  therefore  you  have  only  to  avoid  two 
Deckers  or  engaging  when  there  is  more  than  one 
in  sight.  Any  of  their  other  single  ships  you  need 
not  fear,  especially  if  you  can  persuade  your  men 
to  board.  Remember  what  a  glorious  exploit  it  will 

1  Sherburne,  36-40  ;  Sands,  66-70  ;  Jones  MSS.,  Jones  to  Morris, 
April  7,  July  28, 1777  ;  Remick's  Kittery  in  the  Bevolution,  9,  10, 
gives  the  Ranger  14  nines  and  4  sixes  ;  Admiral  Arbuthnot  reported 
in  1780  (Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  486,  May  23, 1780)  that  she  mounted 
20  sixes. 


196    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

be,  to  add  one  of  their  frigates  or  20  Gun  ships  to 
our  navy  in  a  few  days  after  you  get  out,  and  if  the 
Eandolph  has  but  Heels,  I  think  you  can  and  will 
do  it;  you  will  then  get  seamen  plenty.  If  your 
ship  sails  remarkably  fast,  you  may  take  liber tys 
with  them.  If  she  does  not,  be  more  cautious  and 
try  to  find  out  her  trim.  .  .  .  You'l  observe  that 
many  merchant  vessels  are  expected  in  with  valuable 
Stores  to  this  port,  therefore  you  '1  afford  them  all 
possible  protection  and  had  best  keep  in  their  tract 
as  long  as  you  can."1  As  soon  as  the  ice  would 
permit,  about  February  1,  the  Randolph,  Hornet, 
and  Fly  proceeded  down  the  river  with  their  con 
voy  and  got  safely  to  sea.2 

Morris  wrote  further  instructions  for  Biddle 
February  15  and  forwarded  them  to  him  by  the 
Fly,  which  had  returned  to  port.  The  Randolph 
was  now  to  proceed  to  the  West  Indies.  The  Marine 
Committee  had  decided  to  send  all  the  armed  vessels 
at  Philadelphia  to  those  islands.  Biddle  was  given 
letters  to  William  Bingham,  the  navy  agent  at 
Martinique,  and  to  other  persons  at  St.  Eustatius, 
Curasao,  Cape  Francois,  and  Mole  St.  Nicholas, 
to  whom  he  was  to  apply  in  turn,  until  he  had  a 
full  cargo  of  military  stores  and  supplies  for  the 
army,  to  be  brought  back  at  once  to  the  safest  port. 
The  Dutch  government  had  prohibited  the  expor- 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  49  (January  30,  1777). 

2  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  137,  app.,  4,  49,  57,  115,  137,  147  (Morris 
to  Hancock,  December  14,  30,  1776,  January  3,  26,  February  4, 
10,1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  197 

tation  of  such  supplies  to  America,  but  the  traffic 
was  still  conducted  on  a  large  scale,  in  Dutch  as 
well  as  French  ports.  Arms,  ammunition,  and  cloth 
ing  were  brought  from  Europe  to  the  West  Indies 
for  transshipment  to  the  United  States.  It  was 
hoped  that  these  stores  could  be  procured  in  suffi 
cient  quantity  and  without  delay  at  Martinique. 
"  These  supplies  are  exceedingly  necessary  for  the 
service  of  the  ensuing  campaigne  and  you  cannot 
render  your  Country  a  more  essential  service  than 
by  bringing  them  soon  and  safe  in.  ...  As  you 
command  the  first  American  frigate  that  has  got 
out  to  sea,  it  is  expected  that  you  contend  warmly 
on  all  necessary  occasions  for  the  honor  of  the 
American  flag.  At  every  foreign  port  you  enter, 
salute  their  forts  and  waite  on  the  Governor  Gen 
eral  or  Commander  in  Chief,  asking  the  liberty  of 
their  ports  for  the  ships  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  Take  care  that  your  people  do  not  molest 
their  Trade  nor  Inhabitants  nor  in  any  shape  dis 
turb  that  good  understanding  we  have  with  them." 
Prizes  were  to  be  sent  into  Martinique,  St.  Eusta- 
tius,  or  other  ports,  where  the  cargoes  might  be 
sold,  if  to  greater  advantage,  the  vessels,  however, 
being  always  brought  to  American  ports.  "  As  the 
British  men  of  war  on  the  West  India  stations  are 
not  often  well  manned,  it  would  give  great  eclat  to 
our  Naval  Service  if  you  can  make  prize  of  one  or 
more  of  them  and  if  so,  you  will  do  well  to  tempt 
some  of  their  best  warrant  officers,  such  as  Boat- 


198    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

swains,  Gunners,  Quarter  Masters  and  their  several 
mates,  to  enter  our  service,  for  we  would  wish  you 
to  bring  both  these  and  plenty  of  Common  Sailors 
home,  to  assist  in  manning  our  other  ships  of  war." 
Seamen  from  other  prizes  also,  and  in  the  various 
ports  visited,  were  to  be  procured  for  the  service 
when  possible.  "  When  your  errand  to  the  West 
Indies  is  compleated,  you  '1  observe  it  is  mentioned 
already  that  you  are  to  return  to  some  safe  port  in 
these  United  States  of  America.  The  uncertainty 
of  the  fate  of  war  makes  us  cautious  of  saying 
positively  which  shall  be  the  best  port.  There  is 
little  doubt  but  this  [Philadelphia]  will  be  the  most 
convenient  to  receive  the  stores  at,  being  most  cen 
trical  and  probably  not  very  distant  from  the  scenes 
of  action,  and  as  you  are  well  enabled  to  defend 
yourself  against  most  single  ships  and  capable,  we 
hope,  of  outsailing  any  of  the  enemies,  it  appears  that 
you  might  venture  to  call  at  Cape  Henlopen  or 
Cape  May  for  intelligence,  without  incurring  the 
charge  of  rashness,  and  we  will  endeavour  to  keep 
out  some  small  Cruizers  about  the  time  you  are 
expected,  to  give  you  information." l  Signals  were 
prescribed  for  communication  with  the  shore  and 
with  other  vessels.  Most  unfortunately  the  Randolph 
had  not  proceeded  far  on  her  voyage  before  she  en 
countered  a  heavy  gale,  in  which  she  was  dismasted 
and  was  obliged  to  put  into  Charleston  in  a  crippled 
condition.  Before  arriving  there  a  mutiny  broke  out 
1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  55  (February  15,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  199 

among  English  sailors  on  board,  but  was  soon 
quelled.  March  29  the  Sachem,  Captain  James 
Robinson,  was  sent  to  Martinique  with  duplicates 
of  the  dispatches  for  Bingham  which  the  Randolph 
had  not  been  able  to  deliver.1 

The  Raleigh,  Hancock,  and  Boston  were  the  only 
others  bFUTe  thirteen  frigates  that  cruised  at  sea 
during  1777*.  The  Virginia,  built  at  Baltimore,  was 
ready  for  sea  early  in  the  year,  and  her  commander, 
Captain  James  Nicholson,  received  instructions  in 
April  to  proceed  to  the  West  Indies,  but,  owing 
to  the  close  blockade  of  Chesapeake  Bay  by  the 
British,  she  could  not  get  out.  Repeated  orders  were 
sent  to  Nicholson  to  get  the  Virginia  to  sea,  but 
she  was  forced  to  remain  idle  in  port  throughout 
the  whole  year.2  The  occupation  of  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  by  the  British,  in  1777,  prevented  the 
frigates  Montgomery  and  Congress,  in  the  Hudson 
River,  and  the  Delaware,  Washington,  and  Effing- 
ham,  in  the  Delaware  River,  from  rendering  active 
sea  service ;  and  the  New  York  frigates  were  de 
stroyed  before  the  end  of  the  year,  to  prevent  their 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.3  The  Trum- 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  55, 57, 58  (February  15, 17,  18,  1777), 
59  (February  5,  1777),  64  (March  29,  1777) ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr., 
137,  app.,  151,  177  (February  10,  19,  1777) ;  Port  Folio,  October, 
1809;  Amer.  Hist.  Review,  viii  (July,  1903),  687. 

2  Ibid.,  51,  66,  85,  86,  104,  108,  116,  117  (January  24,  April 
8,  29,  May  1,  October  23,  November  6,  December  2,  12,  1777). 

8  Ibid.,  65  (April  8,  1777) ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  137,  app.,  4,  9, 
21  (December  14,  16,  21,  1776) ;  Almon,  v,  425-431. 


200    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

bull  did  not  leave  the  Connecticut  Elver,  where 
she  was  built,  until  1779;  and,  as  already  related, 
the  Warren  and  Providence  were  held  in  port  more 
than  a  year  after  they  were  ready  for  sea. 

In  April,  1777,  an  expedition  was  sent  by  Gen 
eral  Howe  from  New  York  against  Connecticut 
under  the  command  of  General  Tryon,  the  royal 
governor  of  New  York.  A  landing  was  made  at 
Fairfield,  whence  they  proceeded  to  Danbury  and 
destroyed  a  large  quantity  of  public  stores.  Upon 
returning  to  their  ships  the  British  were  harassed 
by  a  small  force  of  Americans  under  Generals  Ar 
nold,  Wooster,  and  Silliman.  Arnold  wrote  to  Gov 
ernor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut,  April  30  :  "  After 
the  enemy  reimbark'd  they  imediately  weighed  An 
chor  and  stood  for  Huntington  harbour,  Long  Is 
land,  where  they  doubtless  are  at  this  time.  I  think 
it  very  probable  they  have  in  Contemplation  the 
Destroying  the  Continental  Frigate  [Trumbull]  at 
Saybrook,  which  may  be  easily  effected  by  a  few 
small  Tenders,  as  there  is  no  Battery  or  Armed 
Vessell  to  Cover  her.  If  she  cannot  be  got  over  the 
Barr  &  secured  in  harbour,  will  it  not  be  prudent 
to  move  her  up  the  river  to  some  place  of  greater 
safety  ?  I  know  not  If  your  honour  or  the  Contin 
ental  agents  have  the  Direction  of  her ;  that  she  is 
greatly  exposed  &  ought  to  be  secured,  there  is  no 
doubt.  I  should  Imagine  she  might  be  easily  got 
over  the  barr  with  proper  lighters  &  an  Easterly 
wind,  &  secured  In  Guilford,  Sachems  head,  or  New 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  201 

Haven,  where  she  might  be  got  in  readiness  for  the 
Seas." ! 

In  view  of  this  clear  statement  of  the  frigate's 
situation,  we  learn  with  surprise  that  —  apparently 
in  response  to  the  orders  of  April  4,2  but  possibly  to 
earlier  orders  that  have  not  been  preserved  —  Cap 
tain  Saltonstall  went  to  sea  and  on  April  12  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  Marine  Committee  dated  "  on  board 
the  Continental  ship  of  war  Trumbull,"  off  the  Vir 
ginia  capes,  saying :  "  I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint 
you  that  at  one  P.M.  I  fell  in  with  two  transports 
from  England,  one  of  eight,  the  other  of  ten  guns. 
They  engaged  us  three  glasses,  when  they  struck 
their  colours.  They  killed  seven  of  our  men  and 
wounded  eight  more.  We  shattered  them  in  a  ter 
rible  manner  and  killed  and  wounded  numbers  of 
their  crews.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that 
our  people  behaved  well  and  with  much  courage."  3 
It  is  obvious  that  Saltonstall's  "  Continental  ship  of 
war"  could  not  have  been  the  frigate  Trumbull, 
which  was  securely  shut  up  in  the  river.  It  is  likely 
that,  owing  to  the  importance  of  the  service  to  be 
performed,  a  vessel  was  impressed,  chartered,  or 
borrowed  for  the  occasion,  perhaps  the  ten-gun 
sloop  Trumbull,  a  Connecticut  privateer.4 

1  Trumbull  MSS.,  vi,  90.  See  also  Ibid.,  87,  96,  letters  of  Gen 
eral  Silliman  (April  29, 1777)  on  the  operations  against  Tryon  and 
of  Captain  John  Shipman  (May  1,  1777)  on  the  dangerous  situa 
tion  of  the  frigate  Trumbull. 

2  See  above,  p.  188.  8  Almon,  v,  135. 

*  The  sloop  Trumbull  is  known  to  have  been  in  commission 


202    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Although  the  frigates  Hancock  and  Boston  had 
received  cruising  orders  in  the  fall  of  1776,  such 
was  the  delay  in  fitting  them  out  that  they  did 
not  get  to  sea  until  May,  1777.  The  frigate  Mil- 
ford  and  other  vessels  of  the  enemy  had  long  been 
a  terror  to  American  navigators  in  eastern  waters 
and  the  need  of  regular  fighting  ships  more  power 
ful  than  the  state  cruisers  and  privateers  was  greatly 
felt.  The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  resolved, 
April  24,  that  the  Hancock  and  Boston  ought  to 
put  to  sea  at  once  in  pursuit  of  the  Milford.  It  was 
arranged  that  the  Continental  frigates  should  be 
accompanied  for  twenty-five  days  by  nine  privateers, 
including  two  or  three  of  considerable  force,  and 
by  any  others  that  should  be  ready  by  May  1.  The 
commanders  of  these  privateers,  serving  under 
Captains  Manley  and  McNeill  of  the  Hancock  and 
Boston,  were  to  be  put  upon  the  same  footing  for 
the  time  being  as  regular  officers  and  their  vessels 
were  to  be  insured  by  the  state.1  As  a  squadron, 
this  assemblage  of  vessels  amounted  to  nothing. 
With  proper  cooperation  it  might  have  constituted 
a  force  capable  of  meeting  with  some  prospect  of 
success  any  British  squadron  it  was  likely  to  fall 

at  this  time.  Saltonstall's  name  appears  in  a  list  of  Connecticut 
privateers  as  commander  of  the  Governor  Trumbull,  a  20-gun  ship, 
though  probably  at  a  later  date.  See  Conn.  State  Records,  i,  567  ; 
Publ.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  212,  214,  225,  229,  231,  256 ;  Papers 
New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  IV,  i,  28;  Nav.  Eec.  of  Am.  Eev.  (calen 
dar)  478 ;  Conn.  Gazette,  July  18, 1777 ;  Data  from  the  Library  of 
the  Navy  Department ;  and  below,  pp.  307, 362. 
1  Mass.  Court  Eec.,  April  24,  26,  1777. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  203 

in  with.  But  the  privateers  took  no  part  whatever 
in  the  cruise  after  the  first  few  days;  becoming 
separated,  they  were  soon  dropped  behind  by  the 
frigates. 

Another  unfortunate  circumstance,  which  may 
have  had  much  to  do  with  events  soon  to  happen, 
was  the  lack  of  cordial  relations  between  the  cap 
tains  of  the  frigates.  Such  being  the  case,  it  is  per 
haps  not  surprising  that  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper  should 
have  had  forebodings  when  he  wrote  to  John  Adams, 
April  3,  1777:  "Manly  and  McNeal  do  not  agree. 
It  is  not,  I  believe,  the  Fault  of  the  first.  ...  If 
they  are  not  better  united,  infinite  Damage  may 
acrue." l  Another  of  Adams's  correspondents,  Dr. 
William  Gordon,  wrote  to  him  June  5  :  "  The  frig 
ates  have  been  sailed  about  a  fortnight.  Maritime 
affairs  have  been  most  horridly  managed.  We  have 
beaten  G.  B.  in  dilatoriness  &  blunders.  Where 
Hie'fault  hath  lain  I  know  not,  but  the  credit  of 
the  Continent  &  Congress  requires  amendment."  2 

The  squadron  sailed  from  Boston  May  21. 
Within  six  days  the  privateers  had  all  parted  from 
the  frigates,  some  by  choice,  the  others  through  bad 
weather.  May  29  a  brig  was  captured ;  she  belonged 
to  a  fleet  of  transports  under  convoy  of  the  Somer 
set,  of  sixty-four  guns,  and  a  frigate.  "  At  break 
of  day  the  30th,"  says  Captain  McNeill,  "  we  dis- 
cover'd  the  Somersett  and  three  large  Ships  under 
her  Convoy.  Capt.  Manley  was  not  convinced  of 
i  Adams  MSS.  *  Ibid. 


204    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  size  of  our  Opponent  untill  she  was  within 
Shott  of  him,  when  very  luckily  for  him  the  Han 
cock's  Heels  saved  his  Bacon.  She  nevertheless  pur 
sued  him  with  great  earnestness  untill  I  tack'd  upon 
her  Convoy,  who  was  a  good  way  astern  of  her  at  that 
time.  As  soon  as  she  saw  me  within  random  Shott 
of  them,  she  left  Capt.  Manley  &  returned  to  their 
protection;  she  then  chac'd  me  about  Six  hours, 
but  not  being  able  to  come  up  with  me,  she  rejoin'd 
her  Convoy  just  as  night  came  on.  Capt.  Manley 
&  myself  then  Steer'd  to  the  Eastw'd  and  Northw'd 
in  hopes  of  falling  in  with  some  others  of  the  fleet, 
but  saw  no  Enemy  except  a  few  miserable  Fisher 
men  untill  Saturday  June  the  Seventh,  on  the 
Morning  of  which  day  we  fell  in  with  the  Fox,  a 
British  Frigate  of  28  Guns  Commanded  by  Capt. 
Patrick  Fotheringham.  She  at  first  meant  to  En 
gage,  but  thought  'twas  best  to  try  her  Heels,  which 
would  have  effectually  Saved  her  from  me,  but  the 
Hancock  coming  up  with  her,  an  Action  ensued 
which  did  not  end  untill  after  we  came  up,  by  which 
time  the  Hancock  &  the  Fox  were  both  very  much 
damaged." l  A  seaman  on  the  Boston  says  of  the 
fight:  "At  6  A.M.  Capt.  Manly  &  she  Exchanged 
some  guns  and  then  she  Run  &  we  in  full  Chace 
after  her.  .  .  .  Betwixt  the  hours  of  12  &  one  P.M. 
Capt.  Manly  Began  to  Engage  Broadside  &  Broad 
side,  our  ship  coming  up  fast  as  Posable ;  at  last 

1  N.  H.  Geneal  Record,  January,  1907  (McNeill  to  Marine  Com- 
mittee,  July  16,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  206 

up  we  came  and  gave  them  a  Noble  Broadside 
which  made  them  to  strike  a  medeatly  a  Bout  half 
after  one."1 

According  to  the  British  account  the  Hancock 
was  sighted  from  the  Fox  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  the  Boston  soon  afterwards.  Captain 
Fotheringham  says  that  after  a  half-hour's  action 
with  the  Hancock,  "  I  could  plainly  see  that  the 
other  Ship  to  Windward  was  of  nearly  the  same 
Force  as  the  one  I  was  engaged  with,  which  was  of 
thirty-two  guns."  He  then  tried  to  escape,  hoping 
to  fall  in  with  some  friendly  cruiser  or  to  draw  the 
American  ships  apart,  "  but  notwithstanding  all  the 
Sail  I  could  make,  the  Ship  I  had  before  engaged 
came  up  with  me  about  Noon  and  engaged  me  very 
close  till  a  Quarter  after  one,  when  the  other  Ship 
came  up  and  raked  me  and  carried  away  my  Main 
Yard,"  and  did  other  damage.  At  half -past  one  the 
Fox  would  no  longer  answer  her  helm,  and  with 
one  enemy  on  the  bow  and  another  on  the  quarter, 
she  could  not  bring  guns  to  bear  on  them.  "I 
therefore  at  Quarter  before  two  gave  the  Ship  up 
in  order  to  save  my  People."  The  Fox  lost  her 
lieutenant  of  marines  and  one  man  killed  and  ten 
wounded,  two  of  them  mortally;  she  was  short  of 
her  full  complement  by  thirty-three  men.2  Admiral 
Montagu  wrote  from  St.  John's  to  Germain,  June 
11:  "I  was  yesterday  made  very  unhappy  by  a 

1  N.  H.  Geneal.  Record,  January,  1907  (McNeill  to  Marine 
Committee,  July  16,  1777). 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  Courts  Martial,  No.  5309. 


206    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

letter  I  received  from  Captain  Fotheringham  of 
his  Majesty's  ship  Fox,  acquainting  me  that  he  was 
taken  the  7th  instant  by  two  American  privateers 
on  the  banks,  one  called  the  Hancock  of  32  guns 
and  347  men,  the  other  of  28  guns  called  the  Bos 
ton,  full  of  men,  the  largest  commanded  by  Manly, 
the  other  by  McNeal."1 

Continuing  his  report  of  the  cruise  McNeill  says  : 
"  The  weather  proving  unfavourable  for  some  time 
afterwards,  we  were  severall  days  fitting  the  Fox  & 
Capt.  Manley  his  own  Ship.  I  had  sent  my  first 
Lieut.  (Mr  Browne)  on  board  the  Fox  the  day 
she  was  taken,  but  Captain  Manley  refused  giving 
him  the  Command  &  I  was  finaly  obliged  to  with 
draw  him  for  the  sake  of  peace.  I  urged  Capt. 
Manley  to  make  the  best  of  our  way  to  Charles- 
town,  South  Carolina,  there  to  Join  Captain  Bid- 
die,  fitt  &  clean  our  Ships,  &  then  to  Cruise  for 
the  West  India  Fleet  untill  towards  the  fall  of  the 
year,  by  which  time  our  own  Coast  would  probably 
be  clear  &  we  might  return  without  any  risque 
compared  with  what  must  be  now  Expected.  He 
at  first  attended  to  my  proposal,  but  afterwards 
did  as  he  pleas'd;  the  event  will  prove  whether  I 
judge  right  or  not.  In  short  we  loiter'd  away  three 
weeks  or  a  Month  before  we  sett  our  faces  home 
ward,  by  which  time  the  Coast  of  New  England 
from  Cape  Sable  as  far  as  New  York  was  so  cov- 
er'd  with  cruisers  that  there  was  no  escaping  them. 

1  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  69. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  207 

"  On  Sunday  the  6th  of  July,  being  15  leagues 
to  the  Eastwd  of  Cape  Sable,  we  took  a  Sloop 
from  Louisburgh  bound  for  Halifax,  but  delaying 
some  time  with  her,  we  were  chac'd  towards  even 
ing  by  three  Ships.  We  also  being  three,  we  did 
not  make  any  efforts  to  avoid  those  Ships  in  Course 
of  the  night ;  on  the  Contrary  Capt.  Manley  Tow'd 
the  Sloop  before  spoken  of  untill  next  morning,  by 
which  time  one  of  the  Ships  was  a  head  of  us  and 
Tack'd  upon  us,  the  Second  Ship,  which  was  a  two 
decker,  was  on  our  Lee  quarter  about  three  Leagues 
from  us,  and  the  third  Ship  about  as  far  right  a 
Stern.  Capt.  Manley  then  thought  proper  to  sett 
fire  to  the  Sloop  &  quitted  her  and  endeavour'd  to 
make  the  best  of  our  way,  but  the  first  Ship  being 
up  within  Shott  about  noon,  we  exchanged  some 
Shott  with  her  at  a  distance  &  then  having  spoke 
Capt.  Manley,  we  agreed  to  tack  and  Engage  her. 
We  immediately  Tack'd  and  Capt.  Manley  begun 
the  Action  with  his  head  to  the  Northward  &  the 
Enemy  on  the  opposite  Tack,  we  being  close  under 
the  Hancock's  Stern,  also  fell  in  with  the  Enemy 
in  our  turn  and  Exchanged  about  five  broad  Sides 
with  her.  Her  Shott  was  so  well  aim'd  that  some 
of  them  pass'd  through  our  Ship  under  the  wale, 
so  that  we  could  not  Tack  upon  the  Enemy  untill 
we  had  stop'd  those  holes ;  this  was  however  done 
in  a  few  Minutes,  but  not  before  the  two  deck  Ship 
had  goten  very  near  us.  Unfortunately  the  Fox  did 
not  tack  at  the  same  time  we  did,  by  which  means 


208    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  Enemy  got  between  her  and  us  and  she  was 
obliged  to  pass  under  the  fire  of  the  first  Ship 
above  mention'd  and  the  fire  of  the  two  deck  Ship 
also.  Capt.  Manley  seeing  that  the  Fox  was  beyond 
Saveing,  put  about  and  stood  to  the  Southd,  the  Fox 
bore  away  and  run  to  the  Eastwd,  and  we  kept 
the  Wind  to  the  Northwd.  The  two  deck  Ship  then 
put  about  and  followed  the  Hancock,  leaving  the 
Fox  and  me  to  the  other  two  Ships.  The  Fox  fled 
and  defended  herself  bravely,  haveing  also  some  ad 
vantage  in  point  of  Sailing ;  we  were  constrain'd 
to  keep  the  Wind  for  our  own  Security,  being 
neither  able  to  run  from  nor  fight  such  force  as 
then  appear'd  to  Leward." 1 

The  vessel  described  by  McNeill  as  a  two-decker 
was  the  British  forty-four-gun  ship  Rainbow,  Com 
modore  Collier,  and  she  was  accompanied  by  the 
ten-gun  brig  Victor.  The  third  vessel,  which  ap 
peared  about  the  same  time,  was  the  frigate  Flora 
of  thirty-two  guns.  Collier  says  in  his  report  that 
July  6,  in  the  afternoon,  being  twelve  leagues 
southwest  of  Cape  Sambro,  he  first  sighted  the 
American  squadron.  Night  came  on,  and  the  next 
morning  the  American  ships,  with  a  sloop  in  com 
pany,  were  five  or  six  miles  distant.  They  set  fire 
to  the  sloop  and  at  six  o'clock  another  sail  was  ob 
served  "  standing  towards  the  rebel  ships."  This 
vessel  was  thought  to  be  an  American  also  and  try 
ing  to  join  the  others.  "  About  Ten  in  the  Morn- 

1  N.  H.  Geneal  Bee.,  January,  1907. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  209 

ing  the  Enemy's  Ships  went  away  Tasking,  and 
Three  Quarters  of  an  Hour  afterwards  I  was  sur 
prized  to  see  several  Shot  exchanged  between  the 
sternmost  of  them  and  the  Stranger  who  had  last 
joined  and  whom  I  had  hitherto  looked  upon  as 
another  of  their  Fleet.  I  then  hoisted  my  Colours, 
shortly  after  which  the  two  sternmost  of  the  Rebel 
Frigates  hawled  their  Wind,  whilst  the  headmost 
kept  away  about  two  Points  from  it.  This  brought 
the  English  Ship  (which  I  afterwards  found  was 
the  Flora)  more  abreast  of  them,  who  passed  to 
Windward,  exchanging  a  Broadside  with  each  and 
pursuing  the  Fugitive,  who  from  the  Alteration  two 
or  three  Times  of  her  Course,  seemed  uncertain 
which  to  steer.  The  Flora  gained  fast  upon  her, 
which  she  perceiving,  hawled  her  Wind  again  and 
soon  afterwards  tacked  and  stood  after  her  Com 
rades,  exchanging  a  Broadside  with  the  Flora  as 
they  passed  each  other.  I  was  just  putting  about 
after  the  two  Ships  when  I  observed  this  Manoeuvre 
of  the  Rebel  Frigate,  which  made  me  stand  on 
something  longer  before  I  tacked,  hoping  to  get 
her  within  Reach  of  my  Guns  as  she  passed  us.  I 
accordingly  did  so,  but  had  not  the  good  Fortune 
to  bring  down  either  a  Mast  or  Sail  by  my  Fire.  I 
tacked  immediately  after  her  and  soon  afterwards 
saw  the  headmost  Rebel  Frigate  put  about;  she 
passed  me  just  out  of  Gunshot  to  Windward  and 
appeared  a,  very  fine  Ship  of  34  Guns  with  Rebel 
Colours  flying.  One  of  the  Gentlemen  of  my  Quar- 


f 

210    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ter  Deck  had  been  a  Prisoner  lately  at  Boston  and 
knew  her  to  be  the  Hancock,  on  board  of  whom 
Manley  commanded,  the  Sea  Officer  in  whom  the 
Congress  place  great  Confidence  and  who  is  the 
Second  in  Kank  in  their  Navy.  The  Ship  I  had 
fired  upon  I  found  outsailed  me  and  soon  after  my 
tacking,  went  away  lasking ;  whilst  the  other  Frigate 
kept  her  wind.  I  then  saw  with  Concern  that  one 
of  the  three  must  unavoidably  escape,  if  they  thus 
steered  different  Courses.  I  therefore  judged  it  best 
to  put  about  and  follow  the  Hancock,  which  ap 
peared  the  largest  Ship.  Whilst  I  was  in  Stays  the 
Flora  passed  me  very  near,  in  Pursuit  of  the  Ship 
I  had  fired  upon.  It  was  about  Two  o'Clock  in  the 
Afternoon  of  Monday  the  7th  of  July  that  I  tacked 
after  Manley,  who  seemed  at  first  rather  to  outsail 
the  Rainbow,  but  I  understood  afterwards  that  to 
endeavour  making  his  Ship  sail  better,  he  started 
all  his  Water  forward  and  by  that  Means  put  her 
out  of  Trim.  An  Hour  before  the  Close  of  Day  he 
altered  his  Course  and  kept  away  large ;  however, 
we  got  so  near  to  him  before  dark  as  enabled  us 
by  Means  of  a  Night-glass  to  keep  Sight  of  him 
all  Night.  At  Dawn  of  Day  she  was  not  much  more 
than  a  Mile  ahead  of  me,  soon  after  which  we  saw 
a  small  Sail  to  Leeward  which  we  found  to  be  the 
Victor  Brig,  who  as  we  passed  fired  at  the  Rebel 
Frigate  and  killed  one  of  the  Men  at  the  Wheel, 
but  was  not  able  from  bad  sailing  to  keep  up  or 
come  near  any  more.  About  Four  in  the  Morning 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  211 

I  began  firing  the  Bow  chace  upon  her,  with  occa 
sional  Broadsides  loaded  with  Round  and  Grape, 
as  I  could  bring  them  to  bear,  some  of  which  struck 
her  Masts  and  Sails.  Half  an  Hour  past  Eight  I 
was  so  near  as  to  hail  her  and  let  them  know  that 
if  they  expected  Quarter,  they  must  strike  imme 
diately.  Manley  took  a  few  Minutes  to  consider  and 
a  fresher  Breeze  just  then  springing  up,  he  availed 
himself  of  it  by  attempting  to  set  some  of  the  Steer 
ing  Sails  on  the  other  Side.  I  therefore  fired  into 
him,  upon  which  he  struck  the  Rebel  Colours  to 
His  Majesty's  Ship,  after  a  Chace  of  upwards  of 
39  Hours."1 

To  make  the  story  more  complete  we  may  quote 
from  the  report  of  Captain  Brisbane  of  the  Flora. 
"  On  the  7th  Instant  at  day  break,  Cape  Sable 
bearing  N.  N.  E.  about  fourteen  Leagues,  we  dis 
covered  three  Sail  of  Ships  and  a  Sloop  on  our 
weather  Quarter  and  a  Sail  on  our  Lee  Quarter, 
standing  to  the  Westward  on  the  same  Tack  the 
Flora  was.  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  see  what  they 
were,  tacked  and  stood  towards  them,  upon  which 
the  Sloop,  that  was  towed  by  the  headmost  ship, 
was  cast  off  and  set  on  fire.  We  passed  within  point 
blank  shot  to  leeward  of  the  three  Ships,  hoisted  our 
Colours  and  fired  a  Shot  at  the  headmost  to  show 
theirs,  which  they  paid  no  attention  to,  fired  a 
second  at  the  Sternmost,  stood  on  and  as  soon  as  we 
could  fetch  their  wake,  tacked  and  followed  them. 

1  London  Chronicle,  August  26,  1777. 


212    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

At  9  A.M.,  upon  their  finding  that  we  weathered 
and  came  up  with  them,  they  formed  a  line  ahead, 
hoisted  Continental  Colours,  and  began  firing  their 
Stern  Chace.  At  10  the  two  sternmost  Ships  short 
ened  Sail,  tacked  and  came  close  under  our  lee 
Quarter.  Exchanging  Broadsides  as  we  passed  each 
other,  we  stood  on  to  the  Ship  who  had  not  tacked, 
gave  her  our  fire  which  she  returned ;  she  attempted 
to  stay,  missed  and  wore,  which  gave  us  an  oppor 
tunity  of  raking  her.  We  then  wore  and  gave  chace 
after  her,  the  two  other  Ships  being  at  this  time 
close  upon  a  Wind  on  different  tacks.  During  this 
transaction  we  run  considerably  to  leeward,  which 
gave  the  Ship  on  our  lee  Quarter  an  opportunity  of 
joining  us  fast,  and  upon  her  being  abreast  of  our 
Chace,  she  tacked  and  proved  to  be  His  Majesty's 
Ship  the  Rainbow.  She  fired  several  well  pointed 
Shot  at  the  Chace,  one  of  the  Enemy  soon  after 
wards  tacked  and  stood  to  the  South  West,  the 
Rainbow  tacked  and  followed  her;  we  continued 
standing  to  the  northward  after  the  Chace,  who, 
upon  the  Rainbow's  tacking,  kept  away  more  from 
the  wind  and  set  steering  Sails  and  soon  afterward 
began  firing  her  Stern  Chace  at  us.  At  6  P.M.  we 
came  up  close  to  her,  upon  which  she  struck  her 
Colours  and  proved  to  be  his  Majesty's  Ship  the 
Fox,  that  had  been  taken  a  month  before  that  by 
the  Hancock  and  Boston,  Continental  Ships,  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland.  The  Ship  that  we  after 
wards  learned  to  be  the  Boston  was,  at  the  time  the 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  213 

Fox  struck,  as  far  to  windward  as  we  could  but  dis 
cover  the  head  of  her  Topsails  out  of  the  Water." l 
The  British  took  their  prizes  into  Halifax.  In  his 
report  Collier  says  the  Hancock  had  two  hundred 
and  twenty-nine  men  on  board,  her  complement 
being  two  hundred  and  ninety ;  and  according  to  a 
letter  of  his  to  Germain,  she  carried  thirty-two  guns, 
chiefly  twelve-pounders,  and  was  "  said  to  be  the 
largest  and  fastest  sailing  frigate  ever  built.  .  .  . 
Manly  seem'd  filled  with  rage  and  grief  at  finding  he 
had  so  easily  surrendered  to  a  ship  of  only  44  guns, 
believing  all  along  that  it  was  the  Raisonable,  of  64 
guns,  who  was  chasing  him."  2  The  Hancock  appears 
to  have  been  one  of  the  very  best  and  fastest  of  the 
Continental  frigates,  and  if  Mauley  had  not  made 
the  mistake  of  altering  her  trim  in  the  vain  attempt 
to  improve  her  speed,  he  might  have  escaped  from 
the  Rainbow.  Failing  in  this,  he  should  have  made  a 
spirited  resistance,  in  which,  by  some  lucky  accident, 
he  might  possibly  have  succeeded  in  reversing  the 
result ;  or  by  crippling  his  adversary,  have  been  able 
to  escape.  Manley's  record  in  the  naval  service  up 
to  this  time  had  been  excellent  and  his  reputation 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  487,  August  28,  1777,  No.  2. 

2  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  69,  70 ;  London   Chronicle,  August 
26,  1777  ;  Boston  Gazette,  July  28,  August  11,  18,  1777  ;  Almon, 
v,  262;  Brit,  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  487,  August  28,  1777,  Nos.  2,  3,  4, 
5,  6,  7,  8,  Captains'  Letters,  No.  1611.2  (Collier  to  Stephens,  July 
12,  1777),  Captains'  Logs,  Nos.  360,  762  (logs  of  Flora  and  Rain 
bow).  No  report  by  Captain  Manley  appears  to  be  accessible.  For 
description  of  the  Hancock  and  Boston  see  above,  p.  27. 


214    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

was  high  among  friends  and  foes.  Collier,  in  his 
letter  to  Germain,  says  of  him :  "  We  have  all  long 
wished  to^get  this  man  into  our  possession,  from 
his  talents  and  intrepidity,  and  fortunate  it  is  that 
we  have  done  so,  as  he  was  beginning  to  shew  the 
Americans  what  they  had  not  been  accustomed  to, 
the  seeing  of  one  of  his  Majesty's  ships  in  their 
possession,  for  he  had  just  taken  the  Fox  of  28 
guns.  .  .  .  Every  body  here  is  overjoyed  at  the 
capture  of  Mr.  Manly,  esteeming  him  more  capable 
of  doing  mischief  to  the  King's  subjects  than  Gen 
eral  Lee  was."1  Mauley  rendered  very  efficient 
service  also  in  the  later  years  of  the  war,  but  on 
this  occasion  he  failed  to  stand  the  test.  He  should 
not  have  feared  to  exchange  a  few  shots,  even  in 
the  belief  that  he  was  engaging  the  Kaisonable,  and 
would  then  soon  have  discovered  that  he  had  only  a 
forty-four  to  deal  with.  We  shall  see  that  a  few 
months  later  his  fellow-officer,  Captain  Biddle,  was 
not  afraid  to  engage  a  sixty-four,  with  no  thought, 
apparently,  of  striking  his  flag  before  the  last  ex 
tremity.2  Manley  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  New  York, 
where  he  remained  many  months.  The  loss  of  the 
Hancock  was  almost  a  calamity.  She  was  taken  into 
the  British  service  under  the  name  of  the  Iris  and 
fought  only  too  effectually  against  her  old  com 
panions  in  the  Continental  navy. 

1  Stopford-Sackville  M88.,  70.   General  Charles  Lee  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  the  British  several  months  before. 

2  See  below,  p.  296. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  215 

Meanwhile  the  Boston  escaped  and  found  her 
way  to  Wiscasset.  In  his  report  to  the  Marine  Com 
mittee,  which  was  dated  at  that  place  July  16,  Cap 
tain  McNeill  relates  his  proceedings  since  losing 
sight  of  his  consorts  on  the  7th :  "  In  a  few  hours 
we  saw  two  more  of  the  Enemy  about  two  points  on 
our  weather  bow ;  from  these  we  were  obliged  to 
tack  to  the  Southwd.  .  .  .  After  Standing  two 
hours  to  the  Southwd  we  espied  another  Ship  bear 
ing  S.  W.  of  us,  who  appeared  to  be  in  chace  to 
wards  us.  I  then  hove  about  to  the  Northwd  again 
&  stood  on  untill  Nine  o'Clock  the  Evening;  the 
chace  coming  down  upon  us  very  fast  all  the  time. 
As  soon  as  the  Moon  was  down  I  tack'd  and  Stood 
to  the  Southwd  and  in  less  than  an  hour  saw  the 
Lights  of  the  Chacing  Ship  Standing  athwart  our 
Stern  about  |  of  a  Mile  from  us.  On  Tuesday 
Morning  the  8th  Current  I  saw  five  Sail  of  the 
Enemy  to  the  Leward  of  me,  three  on  the  Lee  bow 
and  two  on  the  Lee  Quarter,  at  the  same  time  saw 
Cape  Sable  bearing  N.N.E.,  five  leagues.  The  Wind 
coming  to  the  Southwd  I  stood  across  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,  determin'd  to  Shelter  myself  in  the  first  port 
I  could  make  and  get  intellegence,  which  happened 
to  be  this  river  where  I  arriv'd  on  Thursday  the 
10th  Instant.  On  my  arrival  here  I  found  that  the 
Milford  Frigate  had  been  in  about  fourteen  days 
past  &  that  she  had  penetrated  up  as  far  as  we  now 
are,  Namely  at  Wichcasset  point.  There  is  scarce 
a  day,  but  one  or  two  of  the  Enemys  Ships  are  Seen 


216    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

off  the  Mouth  of  this  river  and  the  Coasting  Ves- 
sells  are  very  much  distressed.  In  this  my  present 
Situation  I  am  much  at  a  Loss  what  to  do,  my 
Ship's  Company  are  so  diminished  by  Manning  the 
Fox  &  the  Men  otherwise  Lost  since  we  Sail'd  from 
Boston ;  my  Ship  is  very  Fowl  .  .  .  and  besides 
that,  we  cannot  make  her  Sail  fast,  trim  which  way 
we  will.  .  .  .  We  have  certain  Accounts  of  twelve 
Sail  of  the  Enemys  Cruisers  between  Cape  Ann  & 
Cape  Sable,  severall  of  whom  are  large  Ships." 1 
Perhaps  the  size  of  the  British  fleet  cruising  in  east 
ern  waters  was  magnified  in  McNeiU's  imagination. 
In  due  time  he  brought  his  ship  back  to  ^Boston, 
where  his  reception  was  not  cordial.  He  was  se 
verely  blamed  for  not  haying  come  to  the  Hancock's 
rescue  and  was  held  by  public  opinion  in  large  de 
gree  responsible  for  the  loss  of  that  ship.  He  was 
tried  by  court-martial  and  suspended.2 

At  Charleston,  where  the  Randolph  had  put  in 
for  repairs  after  being  dismasted,  Captain  Biddle 
received  orders  from  the  Marine  Committee,  dated 
April  26  and  29,  to  cruise  in  the  West  Indies  and 
later  attempt  to  intercept  a  British  fleet  of  mer 
chantmen  which  was  expected  to  leave  Jamaica 
under  convoy  about  July  26.  In  the  first  of  these 
orders,  April  26,  the  Committee  wrote  :  "  Your 
letter  of  the  14th  instant  is  the  only  one  we  have 

1  N.  H.  Geneal.  Bee.,  January,  1907. 

*  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  109  (November  12, 1777) ;  Adams 
MSS.,  October  9,  1777,  McNeill  to  John  Adams,  complaining  of 
conditions  in  the  navy. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  217 

received  since  the  misfortune  of  carrying  away  your 
Masts  or  indeed  since  you  left  the  Capes  of  Dela 
ware,  so  that  we  are  strangers  to  the  cause  and 
manner  of  that  unfortunate  accident.  .  .  .  We  ob 
serve  with  infinite  concern  that  your  people  have 
been  and  remain  Sickly ;  this  has  happened  in  so 
many  of  our  Ships  that  we  cannot  help  atributing 
it  to  some  cause  that  may  with  proper  care  &  at 
tention  be  removed.  You  should  therefore  insist 
that  your  Officers  do  frequently  see  the  Ship 
thoroughly  and  perfectly  cleansed,  aloft  and  below 
from  Stem  to  Stern,  burn  Powder  and  wash  with 
vinigar  betwixt  Decks,  order  Hammocks,  all  bed 
ding  and  bed  Cloths  and  Body  Cloaths  daily  into 
the  quarters  or  to  be  aired  on  Deck,  make  the  peo 
ple  keep  their  persons  cleanly  and  use  exercise,  give 
them  as  frequent  changes  of  wholesome  food  as  you 
can,  Fish  when  you  can  get  it  and  fresh  food  in 
Port.  Ventilate  the  Hold  and  between  Decks  con 
stantly.  In  short,  cleanliness,  exercise,  fresh  air  and 
wholesome  food  will  restore  or  preserve  health  more 
than  medicine  and  it  is  deserving  the  utmost  atten 
tion  of  any  or  every  officer  to  preserve  the  Health 
&  Spirits  of  the  men."1 

The  Marine  Committee  planned  to  collect  as  many 
vessels  as  possible  to  act  in  concert  against  the  ex 
pected  Jamaica  fleet,  in  the  hope  of  capturing  a 
number  of  them.  General  orders  dated  April  29 
were  issued,  addressed  to  the  commanders  of  vessels 
1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  73  (April  26,  1777). 


218    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

designated  to  take  part  in  the  enterprise.  They  were 
to  rendezvous  at  Abaco,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands, 
July  25,  the  senior  captain  was  to  take  command 
as  commodore,  and  they  were  to  hold  a  council  of 
war  and  decide  upon  the  best  cruising  ground,  the 
most  effectual  disposition  of  their  ships,  and  a  code 
of  signals.  "  The  Commodore  or  Council  of  war  are 
empowered  to  order  or  do  anything  they  may  think 
necessary  or  essential  to  enable  the  Squadron  to  per 
form  the  intended  Service,  whether  pointed  out  by 
the  Committee  or  not."  All  information  obtained 
regarding  the  Jamaica  fleet  must  be  reported  to  the 
commodore.  "  These  things  done,  and  the  sooner 
they  are  accomplished  the  better,  the  Squadron  must 
weigh  and  sail  under  the  Signals  and  Orders  of  the 
Commodore  to  the  appointed  Station,  which  we  sup 
pose  will  be  near  the  Havannah."  While  waiting 
for  the  Jamaica  fleet  the  time  should  be  spent  in 
drill  and  repeating  signals.  "  The  men  should  be 
constantly  exercised  at  the  Guns,  and  infinite  pains 
taken  on  board  every  Ship  to  sweeten  the  Air  and 
keep  not  only  the  Ship  clean  but  the  Men  so  in 
their  Cloathing  and  Persons.  During  this  Cruize 
there  is  little  doubt  but  Prizes  will  be  taken  by  the 
Squadron  before  the  Jamaica  fleet  appears  and  such 
may  be  sent  into  Georgia  or  Carolina,  but  in  doing 
this  care  must  be  taken  that  no  ship  is  much  weak 
ened  by  sending  away  their  men  in  such  Prizes. 
Should  they  be  of  little  value  it  may  probably  be 
best  to  burn  them  and  encourage  the  seamen  found 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  219 

on  board  to  enter  our  Service  by  offering  them  share 
of  Prize  Money  to  be  taken,  Pay  and  allowance 
equal  to  those  already  engaged,  and  assurance  of 
good  treatment."  Inasmuch  as  "the  main  object 
of  this  enterprize  appears  the  Jamaica  Fleet,  it  must 
be  the  business  of  the  Commodore  to  keep  the  Frig 
ates  together  until  he  finds  out  the  strength  of  the 
Convoy,  and  if  it  be  such  as  he  judges  he  can  cope 
with,  with  a  tolerable  prospect  of  success,  he  is  to 
make  the  proper  disposition  for  attacking  to  the 
best  advantage  and  engage  their  ships  of  war,  whilst 
all  the  smaller  vessels  are  employed  in  attacking 
and  taking  the  Merchantmen.  It  must  be  remem 
bered  that  the  enemy  generally  send  home  for  Con 
voy  such  of  their  Ships  of  war  as  have  been  long  in 
the  West  Indies.  They  are  frequently  foul  and  ill 
manned,  which  are  circumstances  favourable  for  en 
gaging  them,  even  if  they  should  appear  of  superior 
force.  If  you  can  but  make  Prizes  of  the  Convoy  or 
any  part  of  them,  we  think  it  will  then  be  in  the 
power  of  the  Squadron  to  take  any  number  of  the 
Merchantmen,  and  such  as  cannot  be  manned  and 
brought  into  Port  may  be  sunk  or  Burned.  Should 
the  Convoy  consist  of  such  or  so  many  Ships  as  it 
would  be  folly  or  rashness  to  engage,  the  Squadron 
in  that  case  had  best  to  seperate  and  hover  after  the 
fleet ;  for  as  we  have  little  doubt  but  most  of  our 
ships  will  outsail  theirs,  being  cleaner,  you  may  in 
this  manner  pick  up  a  vast  many  of  their  Merchant 
ships,  altho  protected  by  Superior  force."  If  after 


220    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

this  service  the  squadron  should  be  too  distant  from 
the  seat  of  government  to  receive  fresh  orders,  "  the 
Commodore  must  call  a  Council  of  war  of  all  the 
Commanders  with  him,  and  any  enterprize  or  expe 
dition  planned  by  that  Council,  that  has  for  its  ob 
ject  the  service  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
to  distress  or  disable  the  enemies  of  these  States  or 
to  Capture  their  Ships  of  war  or  Merchantmen,  will 
meet  our  approbation  &  if  executed  with  vigour, 
will  merit  the  praise  of  all  America.  Our  ships 
should  never  be  Idle.  The  Navy  is  in  its  infancy 
and  a  few  brilliant  strokes  at  this  Era  would  give 
it  a  Credit  and  importance  that  would  induce  sea 
men  from  all  parts  to  seek  the  employ,  for  nothing 
is  more  evident  than  that  America  has  the  means 
and  must  in  time  become  the  first  Maritime  power 
in  the  world." l 

The  Andrew  Doria,  Captain  Isaiah  Eobinson,  the 
sloop  Surprise,  Captain  Benjamin  Dunn,  and  the 
Fly,  Captain  Elisha  Warner,  were  ordered  in  April 
to  clear  the  Cape  May  channel  of  British  ships,  and 
a  little  later  the  Independence,  Captain  John  Young, 
was  instructed  to  warn  vessels  away  from  Chesa 
peake  and  Delaware  Bays.  In  May  the  Andrew 
Doria  and  Surprise,  together  with  the  Columbus, 
Captain  Hoysted  Hacker,  still  blockaded  in  Nar- 
ragansett  Bay,  were  ordered  to  repair  to  the  ren 
dezvous  at  Abaco,  where  they  were  expected  to  meet 
the  Randolph  and  cruise  after  the  Jamaica  fleet. 
1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  78  (April  29,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  221 

This  promising  and  well  conceived  project  seems 
never  to  have  been  carried  out  or  even  entered  upon, 
presumably  because  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels, 
especially  frigates,  could  not  be  brought  together.1 
The  Randolph  sailed  some  time  during  the  sum 
mer  and  early  in  September  was  off  Charleston. 
Biddle  reported :  "  I  have  the  Pleasure  to  acquaint 
You  that  on  the  fourth  of  Sept.  30  Leags.  S.  E.  of 
Charles  Town  Barr  I  met  with  and  took,  after  a 
little  Resistance,  the  True  Britain,  Thomas  Venture 
Master,  of  twenty  six-pounders  and  seventy-four 
Men,  the  Brig  Charming  Peggy,  Capt.  Lyon,  both 
Laden  with  Rum  for  the  British  Army  and  Navy 
and  bound  from  Jamaica  to  New  York,  The  Ship 
Severn,  Capt.  Henderson,  of  eight  four-pounders, 
who  had  been  taken  by  an  American  Cruizer  on 
His  passage  from  Jamaica  to  London  And  Retaken 
by  the  True  Britain,  Also  a  French  Brig  laden  with 
salt  going  from  the  West  Indies  for  Charles  Town, 
Which  Capt.  Venture  had  made  Prize  of.  There 
was  a  small  Sloop  in  Company  with  those  Vessels 
that  made  Her  escape,  the  Weather  being  Squally, 
whilst  I  was  Manning  the  Rest.  I  Arrived  Safe 
here  with  my  Prize  the  7th  inst.  I  have  not  laid 
Claim  to  Salvadge  for  the  French  Brig,  as  I  thought 
it  would  be  most  agreeable  to  Congress  to  give  her 
up.  .  .  .  The  Randolph's  Bottom  is  very  foul,  hav- 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  68,  69  (April  18,  1777),  73  (April 
26,  1777),  77,  78  (April  29,  1777),  86,  88  (May  2,  1777),  90  (May 
13,  1777),  91  (May  16, 1777). 


222    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ing  lain  in  this  Port  the  three  worst  Months  in  the 
Year  since  We  Cleared ;  And  Being  apprehensive 
that  the  Worms  will  Ruin  Her  Bottom  unless  they 
are  soon  destroyed,  I  have  thought  Proper  and  am 
preparing  to  heave  Her  down.  I  shall  be  as  expedi 
tious  as  possible  and  hope  to  be  Ready  to  execute 
any  Orders  You  may  Please  to  send  by  the  Return 
of  the  Express.  I  cannot  omit  telling  You  that  My 
Officers  have  on  every  Occasion  given  me  the  great 
est  Satisfaction.  Two  better  Officers  are  not  met 
in  the  Service  than  Barnes  and  Mcdougall,  My 
first  and  second  Leiuts.  And  the  Men  I  took  from 
here  behaved  exceeding  well/' 1  The  Marine  Com 
mittee  issued  orders  to  Biddle,  dated  October  24, 
to  proceed  to  France  as  soon  as  his  ship  could  be 
made  ready  for  the  voyage.  Upon  his  arrival  there 
he  was  to  report  to  the  American  Commissioners 
and  await  their  directions,  in  the  mean  time  mak 
ing  a  short  cruise  in  European  waters,  if  it  should 
seem  advisable.2 

Captain  Thomas  Thompson,  of  the  frigate  Ra 
leigh  at  Portsmouth,  received  instructions,  dated 
April  29,  to  cruise  against  vessels  bound  to  New 
York  until  June,  but  if  he  could  not  obtain  suit 
able  guns  for  his  ship  he  was  to  proceed  directly 
to  France  for  them ;  in  July  he  was  to  open  sealed 
orders.  As  late  as  May  22,  according  to  informa- 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  78,  2,  241  (Biddle  to  Morris,  September 
12, 1777). 

2  Ibid.,  237,  241 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  105  (October  24, 1777) ; 
Port  Folio,  October,  1809. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  223 

tion  furnished  to  Admiral  Howe,  the  Raleigh  had 
only  six  or  eight  of  her  thirty-two  guns  mounted. 
At  this  time  there  were  at  Portsmouth,  besides  the 
frigate,  the  Ranger  and  three  or  four  large  priva 
teers.  The  keel  of  the  America  of  seventy-four  guns 
had  just  been  laid.  It  was  nearly  the  middle  of 
August  when  the  Raleigh  went  to  sea  and  set  sail 
for  France.  Probably  she  had  received  her  guns  by 
that  time  and  her  voyage  was  in  the  service  of  Con 
gress  and  the  American  Commissioners  at  Paris. 
She  was  accompanied  by  the  Alfred,  Captain  Hin- 
man,  who  had  also  received  sailing  orders  in  April, 
which  directed  him  after  cruising  in  the  Atlantic 
to  return  to  Boston  for  fresh  instructions.1 

The  third  day  after  sailing  for  France  a  small 
schooner  from  New  York  was  taken  by  the  Raleigh, 
on  board  of  which  Captain  Thompson  found  "  275 
Spanish  milled  dollars,  137  counterfeited  bills  of 
30  dollars  each,  in  imitation  of  the  bills  emitted  by 
Congress  May  the  10th,  1775,  and  40  counterfeited 
bills  of  seven  dollars  each,  imitating  the  Massachu 
setts  sword-in-hand  money ;  the  whole  making  4390 
dollars  which  I  shall  commit  to  the  flames  after  pre 
serving  samples.  The  schooner  being  of  little  value 
we  burnt  her."  The  most  important  events  of  the 
passage  are  told  in  Thompson's  report,  dated  at  sea 
September  28, 1777,  in  latitude  49°  35'  north,  Ion- 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  70,  81,  84  (April  23,  29,  1777),  92 
(June  1, 1777),102  (September  6, 1777) ;  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.D.  487, 
June  29,  1777,  No.  10;  Eemick,  216  (list  of  Raleigh's  crew);  N. 
H.  Geneal.  Eec.,  April,  July,  October,  1905. 


224    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

gitude  13°  13'  west:  "At  daylight  Sept.  2  we  took 
a  snow  called  the  Nancy,  .  .  .  being  part  of  the 
Windward  Island  fleet,  which  had  outsailed  her 
the  day  before.  Having  by  this  capture  discovered 
the  situation  of  the  fleet  and  found  that  they  were 
convoyed  by  the  Camel,  Druid,  Weazel  and  Grass 
hopper  ships  of  war,  the  former  a  very  large,  lofty 
ship,  carrying  twenty-two  12-pounders,  ...  we 
made  sail  in  quest  of  the  fleet  and  next  morning 
discovered  them  from  the  mast  head.  At  sun-set 
we  were  near  enough  to  distinguish  the  leading 
ship  as  well  as  their  number,  which  was  sixty  sail, 
bearing  East  by  North ;  the  wind  being  then  west, 
I  made  a  signal  as  being  one  of  the  fleet  left 
astern,  for  I  had  possessed  myself  of  the  signal 
from  the  prize.  I  hailed  Capt.  Hinman  and  told 
him  my  intention  was  to  run  into  the  fleet  in  the 
morning  and  attack  the  convoy,  which  I  thought 
we  were  able  to  destroy ;  I  therefore  ordered  him 
to  keep  close  under  the  Raleigh's  stern  until  we 
come  alongside  the  Commodore,  which  ship  we 
would  both  attack.  Unluckily  in  the  night  the  wind 
shifted  to  North ;  the  fleet  then  hauled  up  close  to 
the  wind,  which  brought  us  to  leeward ;  in  the 
morning  it  came  to  blow  fresh.  At  daylight  we 
saw  the  body  of  the  fleet  bearing  about  N.E.  at 
two  or  three  leagues  distance,  steering  East  North 
East.  "We  made  sail  and  the  Raleigh  soon  fetched 
up  to  the  fleet  under  double  reefed  topsails, 
but  the  Alfred,  being  tender-sided,  could  not  carry 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  225 

sail  and  therefore  fell  a  great  way  to  leeward  and 
astern.  I  could  not  take  in  any  sail  for  fear  of 
being  discovered  to  be  a  strange  ship ;  we  there 
fore  kept  our  sails  shaking  in  the  wind,  thinking 
the  Alfred  might  come  up,  but  Capt.  Hinman  made 
signal  that  his  ship  was  overpressed  with  sail.  See 
ing  no  chance  of  his  coming  up  and  being  fearful 
of  being  discovered,  I  determined  to  make  sail  and 
stand  into  the  fleet  and  take  my  chance  alone. 
While  we  were  laying  to,  most  of  the  merchant 
ships  had  got  ahead  into  the  fleet ;  however,  I 
hauled  in  and  passed  a  few  of  them  and  desired 
them  to  go  under  the  Commodore's  stern.  By  this 
they  took  us  to  be  some  British  frigate  which  had 
joined  the  fleet.  I  stood  on  close  to  the  wind,  mak 
ing  for  one  of  the  ships  of  war  which  was  to  the 
windward  of  all  the  fleet,  repeating  the  Commodore's 
signals.  Our  ports  were  down  and  our  guns  housed 
and  we  shot  up  alongside  within  pistol  shot ;  then 
we  up  sails,  out  guns,  hoisted  Continental  colours 
and  bid  them  strike  to  the  Thirteen  United  States. 
Sudden  surprize  threw  them  into  confusion  and 
their  sails  flew  all  aback,  upon  which  we  compli 
mented  them  with  a  gun  for  each  State,  a  whole 
broadside  into  their  hull.  .  .  .  Our  second  broad 
side  was  aimed  at  their  rigging,  which  had  its  desired 
effect.  ...  In  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  all  hands 
quitted  quarters  on  board  the  British  man  of  war, 
we  cleared  her  decks  totally ;  not  a  man  was  seen 
nor  a  gun  fired  on  board  her  for  twenty  minutes 


226    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

before  we  left  her.  She  lay  like  a  log  alongside  of 
us  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  our  shot,  which  flew 
very  thick ;  we  fired  twelve  broadsides,  besides  a 
constant  fire  from  our  musquetry.  We  were  along 
side  of  her  forty-five  minutes ;  when  we  left  her 
she  seemed  to  be  water  logged  and  in  a  most  shat 
tered  condition.  During  this  little  engagement  my 
officers  and  men  behaved  with  the  greatest  fortitude 
and  resolution,  particularly  the  green  hands.  .  .  . 
My  intention  was  to  sink  the  enemy's  ship,  if  I 
could  not  bring  her  off,  and  I  should  have  effec 
tually  sunk  her  in  a  few  minutes  more,  could  we 
have  staid.  Our  firing  had  thrown  the  fleet  into  con 
fusion.  A  squall  prevented  them  from  seeing  us  at 
first ;  when  it  cleared  up,  one  was  running  one  way 
and  one  another,  some  upon  the  wind  and  some 
before  it.  Their  Commodore  and  the  other  ships  of 
force  tacked  and  stood  right  for  us,  but  had  not 
the  wind  favoured  him  and  we  drifted  to  leeward, 
he  could  not  have  fetched  us  and  I  should  certainly 
have  sunk  the  ship.  However,  I  staid  by  her  until 
he  came  pretty  near,  and  we  being  in  danger  of 
being  surrounded,  I  made  sail  and  ran  down  to  the 
Alfred,  who  was  lying  about  four  miles  to  the  lee 
ward.  .  .  .  When  we  had  got  pretty  near  the 
Alfred,  I  took  in  top  gallant  sails  and  shortened 
sail  to  wait  for  the  British  Commodore,  but  he  soon 
tacked  and  stood  again  into  the  fleet." l 

The  vessel  engaged  by  the  Raleigh  was  the  four- 
1  Almon,  v,  403,  404. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  227 

teen-gun  sloop  of  war  Druid.  According  to  the  re 
port  of  Lieutenant  Bourchier  of  the  Druid,  "  on  the 
4th  of  September,  in  the  latitude  40.33.  N.,  longi 
tude  50.17.  W.,  at  half  past  four  in  the  evening, 
we  discovered  a  strange  sail  on  our  larboard  quarter, 
bearing  West  and  steering  for  us.  We  were  then 
(from  the  irregularity  of  the  fleet)  about  five  miles 
distant  from  the  Camel,  to  windward,  repeating  the 
signal  for  the  convoy  to  go  under  the  Camel's  stern 
and  obliging  those  ships  to  bear  down ;  the  Weazle 
at  a  great  distance  to  leeward  and  out  of  our  sight. 
We  cleared  ship  for  action  and  turned  all  hands  to 
quarters.  At  five  o'clock  she  came  within  pistol 
shot,  when  I  could  plainly  perceive  her  to  be  a  rebel 
privateer  mounting  38  or  40  guns,  her  decks  and 
tops  full  of  men.  She  hailed  and  desired  us  to  strike 
to  the  honour  of  the  Congress's  colours,  hoisted  her 
ensign,  and  began  to  engage.  The  first  broadside 
sent  a  shot  through  Captain  Carteret's  thigh  bone 
and  killed  the  master.  I  then  took  the  command  on 
the  quarter  deck  and  continued  the  action.  At  half 
past  five  she  came  close  alongside  and  kept  an  irregu 
lar  but  very  hot  firing.  At  six  she  made  sail  ahead. 
I  attempted  to  do  the  same  and  keep  her  broadside 
on,  but  the  shattered  condition  of  the  rigging  ren 
dered  the  sails  almost  useless  to  the  ship.  As  the 
head-sails  only  were  of  service,  we  edged  away  and 
kept  her  nearly  on  our  bow  till  twenty  minutes  past 
six.  She  then  had  the  wind  abaft,  sheared  off,  hauled 
down  her  colours,  and  made  sail.  I  attempted  to 


228    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

wear  ship  and  rake  her,  but  the  rigging  being  en 
tirely  shot  to  pieces,  could  not  bring  her  round.  I 
then  tried  to  make  what  sail  I  could  and  pursue  the 
enemy,  but  found  most  of  the  masts  and  yards 
wounded,  .  .  .  with  four  feet  ten  inches  water  in 
the  hold.  At^half  past  seven  we  brought  to,  with 
our  foresail  and  mizen  on  our  larboard  tack,  to  plug 
the  shot  holes  between  wind  and  water,  clear  the 
wreck  and  pump  the  ship  out.  I  then  perceived 
another  rebel  privateer  laying  to,  bearing  S.  S.  W. 
six  or  seven  miles  off,  and  by  her  appearance  I 
suppose  she  mounted  about  20  guns.  The  Camel 
was  then  in  chace  about  two  or  three  miles  distant ; 
soon  after,  the  Weazle  spoke  to  us  and  gave  chace 
also."  l 

Conditions  on  board  the  Camel,  the  British  com 
modore's  ship,  are  set  forth  in  her  log.  "  Fresh 
Breezes  &  Squally  Wr.  At  1  P.M.  fired  2  guns  & 
made  the  Signal  for  the  fleet  to  come  under  our 
Stern ;  the  headmost  Vessels  paying  no  attention  to 
the  Signal,  Fired  3  Shott  at  them  to  bring  them  to. 
At  5  fresh  Breezes  &  Hazy  Wr.  Heard  the  report 
of  a  No.  of  Guns  fired  in  the  No.  Wt.  Quarter,  which 
we  imagined  was  an  Action,  from  the  unusual  quick 
ness  of  their  Firing.  Wore  Ship  with  all  possible 
speed  &  stood  towards  the  report,  when  the  Haze 
dispersing,  we  pereeiv'd  His  Majesty's  Sloop  Druid 
in  close  engagement  with  a  large  Rebel  Priva  [teer] 
of  36  Guns,  which  she  Beat  off  &  upon  perceiving 

1  Almon,  v,  402. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  229 

us  to  be  in  chase  of  her,  made  off  under  all  the  Sail 
she  could  possibly  Croud,  as  did  another  Rebel  priva 
teer  which  lay  to  Leeward  of  Her.  Continued  in 
Chase  of  them  till  Night,  when  we  lost  sight  both 
of  them  &  the  Convoy."  1 

The  Raleigh's  loss  was  one  killed  and  two  wounded. 
The  Druid  had  six  killed  and  twenty-six  wounded, 
of  whom  five,  including  the  captain,  died  of  their 
wounds.  The  Raleigh  and  Alfred  followed  the  fleet 
several  days,  but  without  again  exchanging  shots 
with  the  enemy.  Thompson  says :  "  We  have  since 
challenged  him  for  three  days  successively  to  come 
out  of  his  fleet  and  engage  us,  but  he  declines  the 
challenge.  Himself  and  the  other  armed  ships  keep 
close  together  a  little  astern  of  the  fleet  and  fine 
weather  favours  them ;  we  wait  for  a  storm  and  then, 
if  any  advantage  offers,  intend  to  make  the  best  use 
of  it,  but  we  must  not  venture  among  them  as  they 
are  now  prepared,  neither  can  we  trust  to  the  Alfred's 
sailing.  Had  she  been  a  stiff  ship  and  sailed  equally 
well  with  the  Raleigh,  we  should  in  all  probability 
have  destroyed  the  convoy  and  dispersed  the  whole 
fleet,  badly  manned  as  we  are,  having  only  180  men, 
chiefly  green  hands.  I  cannot  trust  to  working  the 
ship"  were  I  to  go  into  the  fleet,  but  if  the  enemy 
will  attack  where  we  have  room,  we  are  able  to 
defend  ourselves  or  destroy  them.  I  could  at  first 
have  cut  off  several  of  the  merchantmen,  but  must 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  Captains1  Logs,  No.  156  (log  of  the  Camel) ; 
also  No.  4172  (log  of  the  Druid). 


I 

230    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

by  that  means  have  been  discovered  and  thereby 
have  lost  our  chance  at  the  King's  ships ;  and  I  am 
determined  never  to  war  against  merchantmen  where 
I  have  an  opportunity  of  waring  against  the  King. 
I  should  have  preferred  sinking  that  ship  to  the 
richest  capture  in  the  fleet."  These  excuses  seem 
inadequate.  John  Paul  Jones  found  the  Alfred 
capable  of  giving  excellent  service.  If  Thompson 
had  been  an  enterprising  officer,  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  he  would  have  allowed  this  rich  fleet  to 
get  away  without  leaving  a  single  prize  in  his  hands. 
As  to  warring  against  merchantmen,  American 
commanders  had  express  orders  to  pursue  fleets 
under  convoy  and  make  as  many  captures  as  possible. 
The  ships  and  cargoes  were  needed  by  the  impover 
ished  Continental  government,  and  every  blow  struck 
at  the  enemy's  commerce  helped  a  little  to  turn  the 
scale  in  this  closely  contested  war.  In  due  time 
the  Raleigh  and  Alfred  arrived  in  France ;  also  the 
sloop  Independence,  Captain  Young,  which  had 
been  sent  out  with  dispatches.1 

Early  in  the  year  1777  the  sloop  Eevenge,  Amer 
ican  privateer  of  ten  guns,  Captain  Joseph  Shef 
field,  cruising  to  the  windward  of  Barbadoes,  is 
reported  to  have  fought  four  hours  with  two  British 
ships,  each  carrying  fourteen  guns,  and  to  have 
captured  one  of  them.  The  ship  Thomas,  a  prize  of 
the  Revenge  and  presumably  this  same  one,  was  re- 

1  Almon,  v,  401-405;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  99  (to  Captain 
Young,  July  5,  1777). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  231 

captured  by  the  sloop  of  war  Unicorn  while  running 
into  Newport,  not  knowing  it  was  occupied  by  the 
British.1  The  report  came  from  New  York,  March 
24,  that  within  two  months  the  British  men-of-war 
stationed  about  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Bays  had 
taken  seventy  American  ships  and  privateers.2  The 
frigate  Pearl  fell  in  with  the  privateers  Teaser,  18, 
and  Resolution,  14,  with  a  convoy  of  three  mer 
chantmen.  An  engagement  of  an  hour  and  a  half 
followed,  when  a  gun  on  the  Resolution  burst  and 
she  struck.  The  Pearl  also  took  two  of  the  mer 
chantmen,  but  the  other  and  the  Teaser  escaped.3 

The  British  naval  schooner  Prince  William,  of 
eight  guns,  was  captured,  and  her  captain,  writing 
from  Boston  Prison,  May  13,  says :  "  In  my  last  I 
acquainted  you  of  my  success  in  taking  American 
prizes,  but  my  fortune  now  is  quite  the  reverse.  On 
the  2d  of  this  month,  falling  in  with  the  Spy,  an 
American  privateer  snow  of  12  guns,  my  vessel  was 
taken  after  an  engagement  of  three  glasses  and 
brought  into  this  port,  where  myself  and  crew  are 
prisoners.  Boston  harbor  swarms  with  privateers  and 
their  prizes;  this  is  a  great  place  of  rendezvous  with 
them.  The  privateersmen  come  on  shore  here  full 
of  money  and  enjoy  themselves  much  after  the  same 
manner  the  English  seamen  at  Portsmouth  and 
Plymouth  did  in  the  late  war  ;  and  by  the  best 

1  Boston  Gazette,  February  24,  1777 ;  London  Chronicle,  May  3, 
1777 ;  Williams' s  Liverpool  Privateers,  195-198. 

2  London  Chronicle,  May  10,  1777. 
8  Ibid.,  June  10,  1777. 


232    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

information  I  can  get  there  are  no  less  than  fifteen 
foreign  vessels  lately  arrived  in  the  harbour  with 
cargoes  of  various  articles."1 

A  letter  from  Nantucket,  dated  May  15,  gives 
this  account:  "The  llth  inst.  Capt.  Simpkins, 
commander  of  the  Fortune,  Provincial  ship  of  war 
of  22  guns,  4  cohorns,  and  18  swivels,  fell  in  with 
the  English  brig  Boscawen,  of  18  six-pounders,  near 
this  port,  and  after  an  engagement  of  upwards  of 
an  hour  the  latter  was  taken  and  carried  for  Boston. 
We  saw  the  action,  which  was  continued  a  consider 
able  time  very  resolute  by  both  parties  and  seemed 
to  us  rather  doubtful.  The  Captain  of  the  brig  was 
wounded  and  the  officer  that  was  second  in  com 
mand  was  killed."  2 

On  the  12th  of  July  the  ship  Pole  of  Liverpool, 
in  latitude  50°  north,  longitude  20°  west,  "  fell  in 
with  the  Tartar,  a  rebel  privateer  mounting  20 
nine-pounders  on  the  main  deck,  8  four-pounders 
on  the  quarter-deck  and  4  four-pounders  on  the 
forecastle,  full  of  men,  supposed  two  hundred  at 
least.  .  .  .  She  bore  down  on  the  Pole  under 
English  colours,  enquired  from  whence  she  came 
and  whether  she  was  a  King's  ship.  Being  an 
swered  in  the  affirmative,  the  captain  gave  orders 
to  hoist  the  Thirteen  Stripes  and  fire  away,  on  which 
the  engagement  began  and  continued  from  five 
until  about  twenty  minutes  past  eight,  when  the 

1  Almon,  v,  173 ;  London  Chronicle,  July  3,  1777. 

2  Almon,  v,  174. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  233 

privateer  sheered  off.  Captain  Maddock  [of  the 
Pole]  had  two  mates  and  a  passenger  wounded  and 
supposes  that  near  one  half  of  the  people  belonging 
to  the  privateer  must  be  killed  or  wounded,  he  hav 
ing  cleared  their  forecastle  of  men  three  different 
times  and  says  he  heard  dreadful  cries  among  them. 
The  Pole  had  16  six-pounders  and  only  forty  peo 
ple,  passengers  included."1 

Many  privateers  cruised  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
besides  those  that  came  out  from  the  United  States, 
some  were  fitted  out  at  Martinique  under  American 
commanders,  with  French  and  Spanish  crews  and 
commissioned  by  the  American  naval  and  commer 
cial  agent,  William  Bingham.  Prices  rose  in  the 
British  islands  on  account  of  the  large  amount  of 
property  taken  by  Americans.  Admiral  Young, 
commanding  the  British  station  in  the  Leeward 
Islands,  reported  the  capture  of  many  of  these 
privateers.2  The  privateer  Revenge,  Captain  Isaac 
Freeborn,  sailed  from  Martha's  Vineyard  for  the 
West  Indies  December  9, 1777.  "  About  ten  Days 
after,  we  fell  in  with  a  Privateer  Schooner,  gave 
her  a  couple  of  Shot  and  she  run.  About  8  Days 
after,  we  fell  in  with  and  took  the  Ship  York,  from 
Glasgow  bound  to  Barbadoes,  laden  with  dry  Goods, 

1  Williams,  205   (quoting1  a  Liverpool  paper).  In  Williams's 
list  of  Liverpool  privateers  (Appendix  iv)  the  Pole  is  given  24 
guns  and  100  men. 

2  Almon,  v,  141-143,  168,  171,  198,  199 ;  Boston  Gazette,  June 
2,  October  13,  1777 ;  London  Chronicle,  April  22,  August  5, 1777 ; 
Williams,  200,  201. 


234    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

some  Provisions,  &c.  which  was  sent  into  Martineco. 
About  4  Days  after,  fell  in  with  a  large  English 
Ship  of  18  Guns,  which  was  too  much  for  us.  We 
afterwards  came  across  a  Fleet  of  about  100  Sail, 
to  Windward  of  Barbadoes,  but  they  being  con- 
voy'd  by  5  Frigates  and  it  blowing  a  hard  Gale,  we 
could  do  nothing  with  them.  We  then  bore  away 
for  Martineco,  sprung  our  Mast  and  carried  away 
our  Topmast,  but  luckily  got  in  and  found  our 
Prize  safe." 1 

Under  orders  issued  March  14,  1777,  by  the 
Massachusetts  Board  of  War  the  brigantines  Tyran 
nicide,  Captain  Jonathan  Haraden,  and  Massachu 
setts,  Captain  John  Fisk,  of  the  state  navy,  sailed 
together  March  24  on  a  cruise  to  the  coasts  of  Ire 
land,  England,  and  France.  The  brigantine  Free 
dom,  Captain  John  Clouston,  had  already  sailed 
March  8,  under  the  same  authority  and  for  the  same 
cruising  ground.  April  1,  in  longitude  15°  west,. 
Clouston  reported  having  taken  three  prizes.  He 
arrived  at  Paimboeuf  May  1,  having  made  twelve 
captures  in  all.  April  2  the  Massachusetts  and 
Tyrannicide,  in  latitude  41°  30'  north  and  longi 
tude  45°  west,  took  the  ship  Chaulkly,  and  April  8, 
ten  degrees  farther  east,  the  Tyrannicide  took  the 
bark  Lonsdale  after  a  three  hours'  engagement, 

1  Boston  Gazette,  March  9,  1778.  For  further  accounts  of  pri 
vateering  in  1777,  see  Coll.  Essex  Inst.,  July,  1890 ;  Continental 
Journal,  December  25,  1777 ;  Connecticut  Gazette,  July  18,  1777 ; 
London  Chronicle,  March  18,  April  10,  1777 ;  Pickering  MSS., 
xvii,  50 ;  Engagements  by  Sea  and  Land,  78,  79. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  235 

while  the  Massachusetts  was  chasing  another  ves 
sel.  Just  two  weeks  after  this,  in  about  48°  north 
and  16°  west,  they  "  fell  in  with  a  fleet  of  9  sail 
bound  to  the  Westward,  one  of  60  &  one  of  14  Guns, 
British  Ships  of  War,  with  7  Transports  from  Ply 
mouth  for  New  York.  Being  a  Fresh  gale  we  could 
not  bare  down  on  them ;  however,  finding  one  Brig 
to  lay  a  stern,  we  took  the  liberty  to  take  her  under 
Convoy.  She  had  on  board  63  Troops,  Hessens 
Chussers,  with  their  accountrements  compleat."1 
The  Massachusetts  arrived  at  Nantes  May  21,  and 
Fisk  reported :  "  I  have  not  the  pleasure  to  acquaint 
you  that  the  Tyrannicide  is  here  with  me,  but  am 
sorry  to  acquaint  you  that  on  the  seventeenth  In 
stant  at  Nine  in  the  Morning  we  gave  chase  to  a 
Ship  standing  to  the  Eastward  and  came  up  fast. 
At  three  got  within  two  miles  of  the  ship,  then  saw 
three  Sail  in  the  N.  E.  bearing  down  to  us  ;  one  of 
said  Sail  brought  our  chase  too  &  hoisted  English 
colours.  I  bore  away  and  made  sail  from  them  ;  the 
Ship  gave  me  chase.  Capt.  Haraden  bore  away  also  ; 
the  ship  came  up  with  us  fast.  At  Nine  at  Night 
I  haul'd  my  Wind ;  Capt.  Haraden  bore  away  before 
the  wind.  At  half  after  nine,  lost  sight  of  Capt. 
Haraden  and  soon  after,  lost  sight  of  the  Ship.  At 
ten,  saw  three  flashes  of  Guns,  which  I  suppose  the 
Ship  fired  at  Capt.  Haraden  and  I  am  afraid  the 
Ship  took  him,  as  I  have  not  heard  nor  seen  any 
thing  of  him  since."  2  Fisk  had  taken  eight  prizes 
1  Mass.  Arch.,  clii,  165.  3  Ibid.,  216. 


236    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

since  leaving  Salem.  He  sailed  for  home  in  June, 
having  on  board  four  passengers,  including  General 
Pulaski.  July  12,  from  a  schooner  Fisk  learned  of 
Haraden's  safe  arrival  at  Bilbao,  after  having  been 
obliged  to  throw  overboard  guns  and  stores  to  es 
cape  the  British  ship.  The  Massachusetts  arrived  at 
Marblehead  July  23,  forty-four  days  from  Nantes. 
The  Freedom  had  arrived  at  Boston  two  weeks 
earlier ;  she  had  taken  sixteen  prizes,  of  which  six 
had  probably  been  retaken.  The  Tyrannicide  came 
later,  getting  into  Boston  August  30.1 

In  the  Massachusetts  Council,  August  6,  1777, 
the  following  measure  was  adopted  :  "  Whereas  our 
Enemies  have  several  small  Cruisers  upon  this  Coast, 
&  even  in  Boston  Bay,  which  have  taken  several 
of  our  Coasting  Vessels  &  greatly  Obstructed  our 
Navigation  ;  And  as  the  Continental  &  State  Ves 
sels,  as  also  most  of  the  Private  Vessels  of  War, 
are  improper  to  be  employed  for  Clearing  the  Coast 
of  these  Vermin,  therefore  Kesolved,  That  the  Board 
of  War  be  &  they  hereby  are  directed,  without  De 
lay,  to  take  such  Measures  for  taking  or  destroying 
all  such  Cruisers  as  aforesaid,  as  they  shall  judge 
most  proper."  2  The  day  before,  the  Board  of  War 
had  instructed  Captain  Fisk,  who  had  returned 
from  France  two  weeks  before,  to  cruise  in  the 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  cli,415,416,  clii,  134, 135, 144, 160, 165, 178, 182, 
189, 216, 220, 230,  271, 292 ;  Boston  Gazette,  June  2,  9,  July  14,  Sep 
tember  1, 1777 ;  Continental  Journal,  June  12, 1777 ;  London  Chron 
icle,  May  3,  1777 ;  Massachusetts  Mag,,  April,  October,  1908. 

2  Mass.  Arch.,  Revolutionary  Bolls,  xliv,  268. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  237 

track  of  homeward-bound  West  Indiamen  and  "  to 
use  your  utmost  Endeavours  to  take,  burn,  sink  & 
destroy  all  armed  and  other  Vessels,  together  with 
their  Cargoes,  belonging  to  the  Subjects  of  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  Enemies  to  the  United 
States  of  America  &  the  natural  Eights  of  Man 
kind."1  Captain  Fisk  soon  set  sail  again  in  the 
Massachusetts,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  August  19 
"  saw  three  sail  to  the  Eastward.  We  gave  chase 
[and]  at  4  found  them  to  be  two  Schooners  and  a 
Ship.  We  soon  saw  the  two  Schooners  was  attack 
ing  the  Ship  &  after  a  few  shot  they  fell  a  stern 
and  the  Ship  tack'd  &  made  sail  for  us.  At  5  we 
came  up  to  the  Ship  &  found  she  wore  British 
Colours ;  we  gave  her  a  Broadside  [and]  she  struck 
to  the  American  Arms."  2  This  was  the  ship  John 
son,  bound  from  Liverpool  to  New  York,  and  the 
schooners  were  the  privateers  Speedwell  and  Active 
of  Boston.  August  31,  in  latitude  36°  28'  north, 
longitude  51°  west,  the  Massachusetts  fell  in  with 
a  vessel  bound  from  St.  Christopher  to  Belfast, 
which  had  sailed  with  a  British  fleet  of  a  hundred 
and  thirty  sail  under  the  convoy  of  four  men-of-war. 
This  was  probably  the  same  fleet  that  the  Raleigh 
and  Alfred  fell  in  with  a  few  days  later.  At  this 
time  Captain  Fisk  had  three  Massachusetts  priva 
teers  cruising  with  him;  they  were  the  schooner 
Dolphin  of  Marblehead  and  the  brigantines  Hamp- 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  cli,  426. 

2  Ibid.,  clii,  271. 


238    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

den  of  Salem  and  Gloucester  of  Cape  Ann.  In 
October,  Fisk  reported  the  capture  of  two  brigs.1 

The  brigs  Tyrannicide,  Captain  Haraden,  Haz 
ard,  Captain  Simeon  Sampson,  and  Freedom,  Cap 
tain  Clouston,  cruised  during  the  fall.  The  Hazard 
had  just  been  added  to  the  Massachusetts  navy. 
The  brig  Independence  had  been  captured  by  the 
enemy  in  the  spring ;  and  in  September  or  October 
the  Freedom  was  taken  by  the  British  frigate 
Apollo,  and  Clouston  was  sent  to  the  prison-ship 
Felicity  at  New  York.  Kegulations  for  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Massachusetts  navy,  based  on  those  of 
the  Continental  navy,  had  been  adopted  in  March.2 

The  waters  about  Nova  Scotia  and  Newfound 
land  were  a  favorite  cruising  ground,  during  the 
Eevolution,  for  the  armed  ships  and  privateers  of 
Massachusetts  and  other  New  England  states,  and 
many  visits  were  paid  to  the  Grand  Banks  and  to 
the  comparatively  defenseless  shores  of  those  pro 
vinces.  Admiral  Montagu  wrote  from  St.  John's, 
June  11,  1777 :  "  The  American  privateers  have 
been  very  troublesome  on  the  banks  and  have  com 
mitted  great  depredations  among  the  fishermen, 
notwithstanding  I  have  dispatched  the  men-of-war 
as  they  arrived  to  the  different  parts  of  the  fishing 
bank  to  cruize  for  their  protection.  It  gives  me 

1  Mass.  Arch.,  clii,  330,  362,  391 ;  Massachusetts  Mag.,  October, 
1908. 

2  Mass.  Arch.,  cli,  430,  clii,  414,  cliii,  2,  3,  clvii,  93,  103,  113 ; 
Mass.  Court.  Eec.,  March  21,  1777;  Massachusetts  Mag.,  April, 
July,  1908,  January,  April,  1909. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  239 

great  concern  to  be  obliged  to  inform  your  Lord 
ship  that  the  privateers  cruizing  in  these  seas  are 
greatly  superior  in  number  and  size  to  the  squad 
ron  under  my  command  and  without  a  large  force 
is  sent  out  to  me,  the  bank  fishery  is  at  a  stand." 1 
In  August,  Commodore  Collier  having  learned  of 
a  projected  expedition  against  Nova  Scotia  from 
Machias,  sailed  for  that  place  with  the  Rainbow,  44, 
the  frigates  Blonde,  32,  and  Mermaid,  28,  and  the 
brig  Hope,  18.  An  important  object  of  the  enter 
prise  was  to  serve  as  a  diversion  in  favor  of  General 
Burgoyne,  then  approaching  Saratoga.  Collier's 
squadron  arrived  in  Machias  Bay  on  the  13th  and 
the  frigates  anchored,  as  there  was  not  water  enough 
for  them  to  ascend  the  river.  The  Hope,  however, 
was  sent  up,  and  a  contemporary  account  says  that 
her  commander,  Lieutenant  "  Dawson,  kept  under 
Way  till  he  came  opposite  a  Breastwork  thrown  up 
about  half  a  Mile  from  the  Town,  garrisoned  with 
only  twelve  Men,  when  he  saluted  it  with  a  Broad 
side  which  was  returned  from  a  two-Pounder  and 
two  Swivels  several  Rounds,  when  Dawson  sent  his 
Boat  to  go  ashore,  but  a  few  of  our  Men  being  in 
Ambush  just  where  they  were  about  to  Land,  as  soon 
as  they  came  within  Musket-shot  an  Indian,  who  de 
sired  the  first  Shot,  fired  and  kill'd  the  Man  at  the 
Bow  Oar,  when  they  immediately  put  back  for  the 

1  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  69  (Montagu  to  Germain).  The  "  pri- 
vateera "  which  most  worried  the  admiral  at  this  time  were  the 
frigates  Hancock  and  Boston. 


240    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Brig.  After  which  a  Number  of  Boats  with  about 
300  Marines  and  Mariners  went  ashore  and  burnt 
two  Dwelling  Houses,  two  Barns  full  of  Hay  and  a 
Grist  Mill.  By  this  Time  about  150  of  the  Militia 
had  Mustered,  who  attack'd  and  drove  the  Enemy 
off;  on  seeing  which,  Dawson  weigh'd  Anchor  and 
was  endeavoring  to  get  down,  when  he  luckily  ran 
a-ground  and  our  People  attacked  him,  with  Small 
Arms  only,  so  warmly  as  not  a  Man  durst  shew 
his  Head  above  Deck  till  the  above  Boats  came  to 
tow  him  off,  which  our  People  beat  off,  having 
killed  upwards  of  60  of  the  Enemy ;  and 't  is  thought 
that  if  a  very  thick  Fog  had  not  arose,  they  would 
have  near  Kill'd  all  the  Enemy,  if  not  destroy'd 
Dawson.  Our  Loss  was  only  one,  Mr.  James  Fos 
ter,  Killed,  and  Mr.  Jonas  Farnsworth  Wounded, 
though  not  dangerous." 1  The  British  reported  a 
loss  of  three  killed  and  eighteen  wounded.  The 
squadron,  having  accomplished  little,  got  under 
way  a  few  days  later  and  sailed  back  to  Halifax. 
Collier  was  much  criticized  for  the  failure  of  this 
expedition,  which,  according  to  General  Massey, 
the  commander  at  Halifax,  "  might  have  prevented 
the  Misfortunes  that  attend'd  Lt.  Genl.  Burgoyne's 
Army."  Collier  claimed  a  victory,  saying  that  he 
took  a  fort  and  thwarted  American  designs  against 
Nova  Scotia.2 

1  Boston  Gazette,  September  8,  1777. 

*Almon,  iv,  139,  140;  Amer.  Hist.  Bev.,  x  (October,  1904),  69; 
Coll  Maine  Hist.  Soc.,  April,  1895 ;  Proc.  Cambridge  Hist.  Soc., 
v  (1910),  70,  71 ;  N.  E.  Magazine,  August,  1895 ;  Engagements  by 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  241 

General  Howe  took  possession  of  Philadelphia 
September  26,  1777,  and  Admiral  Howe,  who  had 
brought  the  British  fleet  around  from  the  Head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay  after  landing  the  army,  arrived  in 
Delaware  Bay  October  4,  an  advance-squadron  of 
his  fleet  having  preceded  him.  The  Americans, 
however,  still  held  the  defenses  of  the  river,  which 
prevented  the  British  fleet  from  approaching  the 
city  and  establishing  the  communications  necessary 
for  supplying  the  British  army.  These  defenses 
consisted  of  forts,  obstructions,  and  vessels.  On  a 
small  island  near  the  west  bank  of  the  river  just 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill  was  situated 
Fort  Mifflin,  and  opposite,  at  Kedbank,  New  Jersey, 
was  Fort  Mercer,  while  three  or  four  miles  below 
this,  at  Billingsport,  New  Jersey,  was  another  fort ; 
and  halfway  between  these  last  two  was  a  battery. 
The  obstructions  were  planted  opposite  this  lower 
fort  and  also  between  Forts  Mifflin  and  Mercer. 
They  were  heavy  frames  of  timber  or  chevaux-de- 
frise  sunk  in  the  bottom  of  the  river,  from  which 
projected  beams  sharpened  and  shod  with  iron, 
pointing  downstream.  Of  the  floating  defenses  the 
Continental  navy  furnished  the  new  frigate  Dela 
ware,  of  twenty-four  guns,  and  the  Andrew  Doria, 
Hornet,  Wasp,  Fly  and  Kacehorse,  with  possibly 
the  Mosquito  and  Sachem ;  also  the  xebecs  Ke- 

Sea  and  Land,  108 ;  Hist.  Man.  Com.,  Amer.  MSS.  in  Eoyal  Inst., 
ii,  156,  209  (Massey  to  Howe,  November  26,  1777,  March  15, 
1778). 


242    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

pulse  and  Champion.  The  Pennsylvania  navy  con 
tributed  to  the  cause  its  whole  fleet :  the  ship  Mont 
gomery  and  over  forty  smaller  craft,  including  gal 
leys,  armed  boats,  floating  batteries,  and  fireships. 
The  frigates  Washington  and  Effingham  were  up 
the  river,  above  Philadelphia,  were  still  unfinished, 
and  could  be  of  no  service.  The  combined  Conti 
nental  and  state  fleet  was  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  John  Hazelwood,  of  the  Pennsylvania 
navy.  The  British  fleet  engaged  comprised  two 
ships  of  sixty-four  guns  each,  one  of  fifty  guns,  one 
forty-four,  two  frigates,  and  a  number  of  smaller 
vessels,  including  a  ship  which  carried  sixteen 
twenty-four-pounders.  Howe's  flagship,  the  Eagle, 
of  sixty-four  guns,  remained  below,  opposite  Chester. 
Immediately  upon  occupying  Philadelphia  the 
British  erected  batteries  along  the  river-front  for 
the  defense  of  the  city.  The  frigate  Delaware,  Cap 
tain  Alexander,  and  a  number  of  smaller  vessels 
promptly  advanced  and  opened  fire  on  the  batteries 

I  before  they  were  finished.  The  Delaware  anchored 
within  five  hundred  yards,  and  unfortunately,  on 
the  ebb  tide,  she  got  aground  and  was  exposed  to 
such  a  heavy  fire  from  British  field  artillery  that 
Alexander  was  induced  to  strike  his  flag  and  the 
frigate  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands ;  by  far  the 
strongest  American  ship  in  the  river  was  thus  lost 
at  the  very  outset.  The  advance-squadron  of  the 
British  fleet,  led  by  the  Roebuck,  44,  came  up  the 
river  as  far  as  the  lower  obstructions  soon  after 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  243 

October  1.  On  that  day  the  fort  at  Billingsport, 
being  weakly  garrisoned,  was  abandoned  by  the 
Americans  on  the  approach  of  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy's  army.  Two  days  later  the  fort  was  taken 
possession  of  by  the  British  under  the  fire  of  Ameri 
can  galleys.  Meanwhile  the  ships  had  been  and  con 
tinued  to  be  attacked  night  and  day  by  Ameri 
can  fire-rafts  and  galleys  and  were  forced  to  drop 
lower  down  the  river.  The  log  of  the  frigate  Liver 
pool  for  October  1  says :  "  At  7  P.M.  the  Kebels 
sent  a  Large  Fire  Raft  down  the  Eiver  to  burn  us 
&  from  their  Gallies  fir'd  Several  Shot  at  us ; 
weigh'd  &  Dropt  a  Little  lower  Down  &  fir'd  a 
number  of  Shot  at  their  Gallies."  The  same  log 
mentions  nine  fire-rafts  being  sent  down  the  river 
under  cover  of  galleys  on  the  night  of  October  14, 
and  other  logs  note  frequent  instances.  There  seems 
to  have  been  little  difficulty  in  grappling  these  rafts 
from  boats  and  towing  them  ashore.  Beset  with  such 
impediments  the  British  proceeded  to  remove  the 
lower  chevaux-de-frise  and  finally  succeeded  in  cut 
ting  away  a  part  of  it,  affording  a  passage  for  their 
largest  ships.  On  October  15  this  passage  was  made 
seventeen  fathoms  wide,  and  on  the  19th  the  channel 
through  the  obstruction  was  buoyed. 

By  the  22d  the  fleet  had  warped  through.  Late 
on  that  day  three  battalions  of  Hessians  under 
Colonel  Donop  assaulted  Fort  Mercer  at  Redbank, 
but  were  repulsed  with  heavy  loss  by  the  garrison 
of  six  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Christopher 


244    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Greene  ;  Donop  was  mortally  wounded.  The  British 
attempted  to  aid  this  assault  by  sending  some  of 
their  vessels  up  to  bombard  the  fort.  The  Augusta, 
64,  the  Roebuck,  the  frigates  Pearl  and  Liverpool, 
the  sloop  of  war  Merlin,  and  a  galley  "  work'd  up 
the  River  in  order  to  engage  the  Rebel  Vessels  and 
prevent  their  firing  on  our  Troops,  who  appeared  to 
be  much  gall'd  from  the  Enemies  Shipping ;  i  past 
5  the  Rebel  Galleys  &c.  began  firing  on  us,  which 
was  return'd  by  the  Roebuck,  Augusta  &  Cornwal- 
lis  Galley."1  The  British  ships  were  checked 
by  the  American  fleet,  which  also  greatly  annoyed 
the  Hessians  during  their  advance  and  retreat. 
During  the  night  the  Augusta  and  Merlin  got 
aground.  Early  the  next  morning,  October  23,  Fort 
Mifflin  was  attacked  by  the  British  fleet  and  by 
batteries  thrown  up  on  the  Pennsylvania  bank  of 
the  river.  Aided  very  effectually  by  the  American 
fleet,  the  fort  made  a  successful  resistance.  About 
ten  o'clock  the  Augusta  took  fire,  in  what  way  is 
not  certainly  known ;  she  blew  up  about  noon  before 
all  her  crew  could  be  saved.  The  Merlin  was  set 
on  fire  and  was  also  destroyed.  Commodore  Hazel- 
wood,  in  a  report  to  the  president  of  Pennsylvania, 
says  :  "  On  the  22d,  about  4  o'clock,  the  attack  was 
made  on  the  Fort  at  red  bank,  in  which  a  part  of 
our  Galleys  was  engaged  in  flanking  the  Enemy 
round  the  works  and  was  of  great  use  there ;  the 
rest  of  the  Galleys  and  floating  batteries  were  at 

1  Log  of  the  Pearl. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  245 

Billingsport  some  time  before.  The  ships  that  came 
was  the  Augusta,  a  new  64,  the  Roebuck,  44,  two 
Frigates,  the  Merlin,  18  guns,  and  one  Galley  of  a 
32-pounder,  all  of  which  we  drove  down,  and  in 
going  down  the  Augusta  and  Merlin  ran  aground 
below  our  upper  chevaux  de  f rise,  which  we  dis 
covered  early  in  the  morning  of  the  23d.  I  immedi 
ately  hoisted  the  signal  to  engage  them  and  soon 
after,  the  engagement  became  general.  We  had  en 
gaged  our  12  galleys  and  the  two  floating  batteries 
and  all  behaved  extremely  well;  the  rest  of  our 
Fleet  could  not  be  brought  timely  to  act  with  us. 
We  had  against  us  the  Augusta  of  64,  who  had 
her  broadside  below  and  aloft  constantly  playing 
on  us,  with  the  Roebuck  and  two  Frigates  and 
their  Galley  ;  and  had  the  Roebuck  laid  fast,  she 
would  have  shared  the  same  fate,  but  she  was 
drove  from  her  station  before  the  Augusta  got  on 
fire."1 

After  this  repulse  the  British  erected  more  power 
ful  batteries  on  the  shore  opposite  Fort  Mifflin  and 
mounted  on  them  heavy  guns  from  the  fleet.  A 
second  attack  was  made  November  10.  On  the  15th 
the  fleet  came  up  for  a  general  assault,  and  the 
armed  ship  Vigilant,  mounting  sixteen  twenty-four- 
pounders,  was  brought  into  the  narrow  western 
channel  within  a  hundred  yards  of  Fort  Mifflin. 
This  stronghold  was  nearly  destroyed  by  the  tre 
mendous  bombardment  that  now  followed,  and  dur- 
1  Sparks  MSS.,  1,  108,  109  (October  29, 1777). 


246    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ing  the  night  was  evacuated  by  the  garrison,  who 
passed  over  to  Fort  Mercer  at  Redbank.  Commo 
dore  Hazelwood  and  his  officers  were  criticized  for 
inefficient  naval  support  given  to  Fort  Mifflin.  Lack 
of  cordial  cooperation  between  the  Continental  and 
Pennsylvania  forces  and  between  army  and  navy 
was  doubtless  the  cause.  A  few  days  later  Fort 
Mercer  was  also  evacuated.  The  American  fleet  was 
now  left  entirely  without  protection.  Several  of  the 
galleys  and  smaller  vessels  of  the  Pennsylvania  navy 
ran  by  the  city  in  the  night  and  escaped  up  the 
river.  All  the  others  were  destroyed  to  prevent 
their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who  now 
completely  controlled  the  bay.1 

In  December,  David  Bushnell  made  an  unsuc 
cessful  attempt  to  destroy  some  of  the  British  fleet 
in  the  Delaware  by  means  of  floating  torpedoes.  In 
his  account  of  the  affair  Bushnell  says :  "  I  fixed 
several  kegs  under  water,  charged  with  powder  to 
explode  upon  touching  anything,  as  they  floated 
along  with  the  tide.  I  set  them  afloat  in  the  Dela 
ware,  above  the  English  shipping  at  Philadelphia, 

1  Dawson,  ch.  xxix,  xxx ;  ClarJc,  i,  55-60 ;  Bradford,  chs.  xxv, 
xxviii-xxxvii  ;  Almon,  v,  426-430,  499-503  ;  Annual  Register,  xx 
(1777),  133, 134, 137-139  ;  Penn.  Archives,  II,  i  ;  Mag.  Amer.  Hist. 
March,  1878 ;  United  Service,  September,  1890  ;  Penn.  Mag.  Hist. 
andBiogr.,  April,  1887,  April,  1902;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  Captains' 
Logs,  Nos.  157,  293,  548,  675,  906,  931,  1100  (logs  of  the  Camilla, 
Eagle,  Liverpool,  Pearl,  Somerset,  Strombolo,  and  Zebra),  Masters1 
Logs,  No.  1633  (log  of  the  Camilla) ;  Pickering  MSS.,  v,  60.  In 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  vi,  ch.  v,  and  in  Bradford,  are  interesting 
maps. 


Kfl 


i>. 


JOHN  HAZELWOOD 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  247 

in  December  1777.  I  was  unacquainted  with  the 
river  and  obliged  to  depend  upon  a  gentleman  very 
imperfectly  acquainted  with  that  part  of  it,  as  I  after 
wards  found.  We  went  as  near  the  shipping  as  we 
durst  venture ;  I  believe  the  darkness  of  the  night 
greatly  deceived  him,  as  it  did  me.  We  set  them 
adrift  to  fall  with  the  ebb  upon  the  shipping.  Had 
we  been  within  sixty  rods  I  believe  they  must  have 
fallen  in  with  them  immediately,  as  I  designed ;  but 
as  I  afterwards  found,  they  were  set  adrift  much 
too  far  distant  and  did  not  arrive  until  after  being 
detained  some  time  by  the  frost.  They  advanced  in 
the  daytime  in  a  dispersed  situation  and  under  great 
disadvantages.  One  of  them  blew  up  a  boat  with 
several  persons  in  it,  who  imprudently  handled  it 
too  freely  and  thus  gave  the  British  that  alarm 
which  brought  on  the  battle  of  the  Kegs." l  It  was 
said  that  the  British  were  apprehensive  of  further 
attempts  of  the  same  kind. 

The  Continental  sloop  Providence,  Captain  Rath- 
burne,  which  had  returned  to  New  Bedford  in 
August,  set  sail  again  in  November  and  cruised  off 
the  coast  of  South  Carolina.  On  a  bright  moonlight 
night  a  sail  was  seen  and  "  in  a  few  minutes,"  says 
Lieutenant  Trevett,  "  she  run  under  our  lee  quarter, 
gave  us  a  broadside  without  any  courtesy  and  run 
ahead  of  us.  Capt.  Rathbone  ordered  the  boatswain 
to  call  all  hands  to  quarters  as  still  as  he  could  and 

1  Amer.  Philosophical  Transactions,  iv,  303,  quoted  in  Clark,  i, 
71.  See  Barry,  60. 


248    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

not  use  his  call.  The  Privateer,  as  she  proved  to  be, 
bore  away  and  coming  up  again  was  soon  alongside ; 
we  were  all  ready  for  them  and  as  soon  as  they  made 
the  first  flash,  we  gave  them  a  yankee  welcome  with 
a  handsome  broadside.  They  up  helm  and  ran  to  the 
eastward  and  not  having  a  man  hurt  of  any  conse 
quence,  we  made  sail  after  them."  The  chase 
showed  a  lantern  and  "  we  knew  by  their  throwing 
out  that  signal  that  there  was  an  enemy  not  far  off 
and  we  fired  no  more  cannon  at  her,  but  we  continued 
the  chase  and  found  we  gained  on  her  every  hour. 
Day  appeared  and  the  look-out  man  reported  a  large 
ship  under  the  land.  .  .  .  About  sunrise  we  neared 
the  Privateer  so  much  that  the  Lieut,  from  the  round 
house  fired  several  times  at  us."  His  fire  was  re 
turned,  "as  he  made  a  fine  mark  to  be  shot  at, 
standing  on  the  round  house.  We  had  not  fired 
more  than  three  shot  before  we  saw  him  fall  and 
instantly  the  Privateer  got  in  the  wind,  and  we  were 
alongside  of  her  in  a  few  minutes,  when  we  boarded 
her  and  found  it  was  her  Lieutenant  we  had  shot 
and  he  fell  on  the  man  steering  at  the  wheel.  .  .  . 
He  had  a  handsome  brace  of  pistols  at  his  side  when 
he  laid  dead  on  deck.  We  found  five  men  badly 
wounded  on  board ;  our  shot  went  into  one  quarter 
and  out  through  the  other  and  she  was  badly 
shattered.  The  ship  we  saw  to  windward  was  a 
frigate  and  the  officers  of  the  privateer  we  captured 
were  on  board  of  her  the  day  before  and  were  to 
meet  her  next  day  off  Charleston  Bar.  We  got 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS   IN  1777  249 

so  far  to  the  eastward  that  we  stood  for  George 
town."  l  There  the  Providence  remained  until  Jan 
uary. 

Almost  interminable  delay  seems  to  have  been 
the  universal  experience  in  fitting  out  American 
men-of-war  and  enlisting  their  crews  ;  and  the  Ran 
ger  at  Portsmouth  was  no  exception.  Captain  Jones 
frequently  reported  his  ship  in  most  respects  ready 
for  sea,  but  he  says  that  with  all  his  industry  he 
could  not  get  a  single  suit  of  sails  completed  until 
the  20th  of  October.  He  had  perhaps  less  than  the 
usual  difficulty  in  enlisting  men,  and  speaks  of  them 
as  "  an  orderly  and  well  disciplined  crew  ...  of 
one  hundred  and  forty  odd." 2  He  finally  set  sail 
for  France  November  1.  On  the  voyage  he  took 
two  prizes  which  he  sent  into  Nantes  and  arrived 
there  himself  December  2.  In  his  report  to  the  Ma 
rine  Committee  he  says  :  "  I  found  the  Ranger  very 
Crank,  owing  to  the  improper  quality  of  her  Bal 
last  and  to  her  being  rather  over  Masted,  to  rem 
edy  which  I  purpose  to  shorten  her  lower  Masts 
and  Ballast  with  lead."  Her  sailing  "falls  short 
of  the  general  expectation  for  the  Above  reasons 
and  on  account  of  the  foulness  of  her  Bottom,  which, 
except  a  partial  cleaning  in  July,  hath  not  been 
seen  since  she  came  off  the  Stocks."3  Jones  com- 

1  E.  L  Hist.  Mag.,  April,  1886. 

2  Jones  MSS.,  to  Morris,  October  30, 1777.  For  a  list  of  the  crew, 
see  Bemick,  211. 

3  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  58, 137  (Jones  to  Marine4Committee,  Decem 
ber  10,  1777). 


250    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

inunicated  at  once  with  the  American  Commis 
sioners,  Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee,  and  forwarded 
the  dispatches  of  the  Secret  Committee  of  Con 
gress.1 

In  1777,  Congress,  through  its  Committee  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  had  begun  to  interest  itself  in  the 
question  of  extending  the  activities  of  the  navy  into 
distant  seas.  The  hopelessness  of  coping  with  the 
British  navy  was  becoming  more  apparent,  and 
visions  of  the  wealth  that  might  be  secured  from 
unprotected  commerce  appealed  to  the  imagination. 
In  December,  1777,  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Af 
fairs  suggested  to  the  American  Commissioners  in 
Paris  that  they  send  some  of  the  Continental  frig 
ates  from  France  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  with  the 
hope  of  intercepting  England's  China  trade.  This 
project  was  considered  impracticable  by  the  Com 
missioners,  who  had,  however,  already  advised  and 
continued  to  urge  an  attack  upon  the  British  whale 
fishery  off  the  coast  of  Brazil  and  in  the  Arctic 
Ocean.  The  whaling  fleet  was  not  only  unprotected, 
but  was  manned  by  Americans,  chiefly  prisoners 
who  had  been  given  the  choice  of  serving  on  these 
ships  or  on  men-of-war.  Notwithstanding  these  and 
other  schemes,  it  does  not  appear  that  either  public 
or  private  ships  of  war  during  the  Revolution,  with 

1  Sands,  70,  71;  Jones  MS8.,  August  17,  24,  October  30,  1777, 
letters  to  Morris  and  Hewes ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  58,  133,  137, 
(December  5,  10,  1777,  Jones  to  American  Commissioners  and  to 
Marine  Committee). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1777  251 

perhaps  one  or  two  unimportant  exceptions,  ever 
cruised  farther  from  home  than  the  West  Indies 
and  the  coast  of  Europe.1 

i  Wharton,  ii,  325, 440,  673,  818,  iii,  385 ;  Archives  de  la  Marine, 
B1  87,  269. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS,  1777 

FROM  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution  the  eyes  of 
America  and  of  France  were  directed  towards  one 
another  across  the  sea.  With  instructions  dated 
March  3,  1776,  Silas  Deane  was  sent  to  France, 
where  he  was  to  seek  an  audience  of  the  Comte  de 
Vergennes,  the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
and  attempt  to  obtain  military  supplies  for  the 
American  army,  to  be  paid  for  by  Congress.1  In 
the  very  same  month  Vergennes  reminded  Louis 
XVI  and  his  ministers  of  the  advantages  which 
France  might  derive  from  the  quarrel  between  Eng 
land  and  her  colonies,  and  suggested  the  expediency 
of  encouraging  the  Americans  even  to  the  extent 
of  advancing  secret  loans  of  money  and  supplies. 
This  advice  on  the  part  of  Vergennes  was  prompted 
by  the  report  of  a  secret  agent  who  had  been  sent 
to  America  in  1775.  A  paper  addressed  to  the  King 
by  Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  an  enthusiast  in  the 
American  cause,  also  greatly  influenced  French  pol 
icy  at  this  time.  While  this  policy  was  plainly  dic 
tated  by  antipathy  towards  England  and  fear  of  her 
growing  power,  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  there  was 

1  Wharton,  ii,  78. 


5        Longitude  West  from  Greenwich      0       Longitude  East  from  Greenwich 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  253 

in  France,  more  or  less  widespread,  a  warm  sympa 
thy  with  the  cause  of  American  freedom.1 

The  aid  advanced  to  the  Continental  Congress 
by  the  French  government  was  sent  through  Beau- 
marchais,  and  to  make  the  transactions  still  more 
secret  a  fictitious  mercantile  house,  under  the  name 
of  Hortalez  and  Company,  was  reputed  to  carry  on 
the  business.  In  the  summer  of  1776  Beaumarchais 
received  from  the  French  government  a  million 
francs  and  another  million  from  Spain,  to  be  em 
ployed  in  aid  of  the  Americans.  Ships  were  pur 
chased  or  chartered  for  the  transportation  of  mil 
itary  stores.  Some  of  these  vessels  sailed  directly 
for  the  United  States  and  others  to  the  West  Indies, 
where  their  cargoes  were  discharged  and  exchanged 
for  American  produce,  which  was  taken  back  to 
France.  Martinique  and  St.  Eustatius  were  the 
principal  depots  for  this  exchange  in  the  West  In 
dies.  The  chief  staple  in  this  traffic  was  tobacco, 
brought  to  the  islands  in  Continental  vessels  which 
returned  to  the  United  States  with  the  warlike 
supplies.  A  number  of  French  officers  also  took 
passage  in  these  ships,  to  volunteer  in  the  American 
service.  Some  of  the  vessels  were  ready  to  sail  in 
December,  1776,  but  were  delayed  by  unforeseen 
obstacles.  Of  several  ships  that  sailed  early  in  1777 
the  Amphitrite  was  perhaps  the  first  and  arrived  at 

1  Wharton,  i,  ch.  iv  ;  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.,  vii,  ch.  i ;  Doniol's 
Participation  de  la  France,  i,  chs.  vii,  viii ;  Hart's  American  Na 
tion,  ix,  ch.  xii. 


254    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Portsmouth  in  April  with  a  valuable  cargo  and  sev 
eral  officers.  Nearly  all  these  vessels  seem  to  have 
crossed  the  ocean  safely,  but  one  of  the  earlier  ones 
was  captured  by  the  British  on  her  return  voyage. 
First  and  last,  large  amounts  of  clothing,  artillery, 
including  field  pieces  from  the  royal  arsenals  of 
France,  and  other  stores  of  all  kinds  found  their 
way  to  America  through  the  medium  of  Hortalez 
and  Company.1 

Silas  Deane  arrived  in  Paris  in  June,  1776,  and 
was  well  received  by  Vergennes.  He  was  the  sole 
American  agent  in  France  until  Arthur  Lee  came 
over  from  England  in  December,  closely  followed 
by  Franklin,  who  arrived  in  the  Reprisal  from 
America.  These  three  had  been  appointed  by  Con 
gress  commissioners  for  the  supervision  and  advance 
ment  of  American  interests  in  Europe.  They  were 
instructed  to  purchase  or  hire  eight  line  of  battle 
ships  of  seventy-four  and  sixty-four  guns;  also  a 
frigate  and  two  cutters.2 

About  the  1st  of  October,  1776,  the  letter  of 
marque  schooner  Hawke,  Captain  John  Lee,  of 
Newburyport,  arrived  at  Bilbao  in  Spain,  having 
captured  five  English  vessels  which  she  sent  back 
to  America,  keeping  some  of  the  prisoners.  These 
persons  entered  a  protest  through  the  British  con 
sul  at  Bilbao.  Captain  Lee  was  accused  of  piracy 

1  Wharton,  i,  369,  370,  442,  454,  ii,  148,  171,  262, 276,  328 ;  Ste- 
vens's  Facsimiles,  152,  240,  263,  1445,  1552,  1559,  1752 ;  London 
Chronicle,  July  17,  1777 ;  Channing,  iii,  283,  284,  405-408. 

2  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  October  3,  22,  1776;  Wharton,  ii,  176,  177. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  255 

and  with  his  vessel  and  crew  was  detained  in  port. 
Deane  having  made  application  in  his  behalf  to 
Vergennes,  the  French  government  interceded  with 
Spain  with  the  result  that  the  Hawke  was  released. * 
In  November,  1776,  a  French  vessel  arrived  at 
Alicante  in  Spain  and  reported  having  met,  off  the 
Rock  of  Lisbon,  "a  North  American  armed  vessel 
which  forcibly  put  on  board  of  her  11  Sailors,  part 
of  crews  belonging  to  two  English  vessels,  which 
she  had  seized  on  12th  Nov.  about  25  Leagues  W. 
of  said  Rock.  This  Pirate  is  a  sloop  called  the  Union, 
belong  [ing]  to  Cape  Ann,  of  10  Carriage  Guns,  8 
Swivels  &  40  Men.  Comd.  by  Isaac  Soams,  she 
had  capt.  3  other  ships,  of  which  2  sent  to  Cape 
Ann,  another  in  ballast  let  go."  2 

The  commercial  house  of  Joseph  Gardoqui  and 
Sons  of  Bilbao  had  long  had  business  connections 
in  the  American  colonies,  and  during  the  war  the 
Revolutionists  had  a  firm  friend  in  Diego  Gardoqui, 
the  head  of  the  house,  who  at  the  same  time  had 
influence  with  the  Spanish  court.  His  aid  was  ap 
parent  in  obtaining  loans  from  Spain  and  even  more 
so  in  extending  a  helping  hand  to  American  ships 
of  war  and  privateers  cruising  in  European  waters. 
He  secured  their  friendly  reception  and  the  disposal 
of  their  prizes  in  Bilbao  and  other  Spanish  ports, 
generally  with  success  during  the  earlier  years  of 

1  Annual  Register,  xix  (1776),  261 ;   Wharton,  ii,  174,  175, 195, 
208,  379 ;  Stevens,  587,  589,  590. 

2  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  Consuls'  Letters, No. 3837  (November  26, 1776). 


256    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

the  war  at  least,  in  spite  of  the  strenuous  protests 
of  the  British  ambassador  at  Madrid.  His  services 
were  especially  important  and  valuable  at  a  time 
when  the  Americans  most  needed  friends  in  Eu 
rope,  that  is  before  the  French  alliance.  No  doubt 
he  took  an  interest  and,  though  keeping  himself  in 
the  background,  an  active  part  in  procuring  the  re 
lease  of  the  privateer  Hawke,  detained  at  Bilbao.1 
The  Reprisal,  Captain  "Wickes,  was  the  first  ves 
sel  of  the  Continental  navy  to  arrive  in  European 
waters,  although  probably  several  privateers  besides 
the  Hawke  and  Union  had  preceded  her.  The  prizes 
taken  by  the  Reprisal  on  the  passage  over  and 
brought  into  Nantes  were  probably  the  first  Amer 
ican  captures  sent  into  French  ports.  The  Commit 
tee  of  Secret  Correspondence  had  written  to  the 
American  Commissioners  in  Paris :  "  We  desire 
you  to  make  immediate  application  to  the  court  of 
France  to  grant  the  protection  of  their  ports  to 
American  men-of-war  and  their  prizes.  Show  them 
that  British  men-of-war,  under  sanction  of  an  act  of 
Parliament,  are  daily  capturing  American  ships  and 
cargoes;  show  them  the  resolves  of  Congress  for 
making  reprisals  on  British  and  West  India  pro 
perty,  and  that  our  continental  men-of-war  and 
numerous  private  ships  of  war  are  most  successfully 
employed  in  executing  these  resolutions  of  the  Con 
gress  ;  show  them  the  justice  and  equity  of  this  pro- 

1  Wharton,  i,  442,  ii,  292,  308,  315,  405,  424,  533 ;  ChanningA 

283,  284. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  257 

ceeding  and  surely  they  can  not,  they  will  not  re 
fuse  the  protection  of  their  ports  to  American  ships 
of  war,  privateers  and  prizes."  They  were  also,  if 
possible,  "to  obtain  leave  to  make  sale  of  those 
prizes  and  their  cargoes."  If  successful  in  these 
applications,  they  were  to  "appoint  some  person  to 
act  as  judge  of  the  admiralty,  who  should  give  the 
bond  prescribed  for  those  judges,  to  determine  in 
all  cases  agreeable  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of . 
Congress." 1 

The  arrival  at  Nantes  of  these  first  American 
prizes  brought  forth  from  Lord  Stormont,  the 
British  ambassador,  a  vehement  protest.  In  an  inter 
view  with  Vergennes,  December  17,  1776,  Stor 
mont  said  he  expected  that  the  Reprisal's  prizes 
would  "  be  immediately  restored  to  their  owners  ; 
.  .  .  that  it  was  a  clear  and  indisputable  Princi 
ple  [of  the  law  of  nations]  that  no  Prize  can  be  a 
lawful  one  that  is  not  made  by  a  ship  who  has 
either  a  Commission  or  Lettre  de  Marque  from 
some  sovereign  Power."  Vergennes  replied  that 
France  must  be  cautious  about  exposing  her  trade 
to  the  resentment  of  the  Americans,  but  that 
treaties  with  England  would  be  observed.  The 
Treaty  of  Utrecht,  concluded  between  France  and 
England  in  1713,  expressly  closed  the  ports  of 
either  power  to  the  enemies  of  the  other.  Stormont 
said  that  England  might  have  to  issue  letters  of 
marque,  because  it  was  "  next  to  impossible  for  our 

1  Wkarton,  ii,  179. 


258    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Frigates  alone  to  get  the  better  of  the  numberless 
small  American  vessels  with  which  the  seas  swarmed 
and  which  greatly  distressed  our  Trade.  [He] 
added  that  the  Difficulty  was  considerably  encreased 
by  France  and  Spain  receiving  these  Armateurs 
into  their  Ports,  which  was  a  step  .  .  .  never  ex 
pected,  as  it  was  the  General  Interest  of  all  civilized 
Nations  to  give  no  Refuge  or  Assistance  to  Pirates." l 
On  a  later  occasion  Vergennes  asked  if  such  let 
ters  of  marque  would  be  authorized  to  search  neu 
trals,  as  to  which  Stormont  was  without  the  infor 
mation  necessary  for  a  definite  answer.  Vergennes 
was  apprehensive  of  results  that  might  follow 
to  French  Commerce,  especially  the  shipment 
of  supplies  to  America,  from  the  inquisitorial  zeal 
of  British  privateers.  A  number  of  British  agents 
were  employed  in  France  to  collect  intelligence  for 
their  government,  and  through  them  Stormont  was 
kept  advised  of  much  that  was  going  on.  The  trans 
actions  of  Hortalez  and  Company  were  known  to 
him,  and  the  connection  of  the  French  government 
with  that  establishment  was  doubtless  surmised. 
The  delay  in  shipping  stores  to  America  was  chiefly 
due  to  the  ambassador's  protests  and  to  efforts  to 
elude  his  vigilance.  In  reply  to  his  complaints, 
January  28, 1777,  about  the  sailing  of  the  Amphi- 
trite  and  other  French  vessels  for  America,  Ver 
gennes  professed  complete  ignorance  and  promised 
to  bring  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  the  King  and 
1  Stevens,  1392  (Stormont  to  Weymouth,  December  18,  1776). 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  259 

his  Prime  Minister,  the  Comte  de  Maurepas.  Soon 
after  this  Maurepas  declared  to  Stormont  that, 
while  he  had  heard  that  some  French  merchants 
were  intending  to  send  cloth  to  San  Domingo  which 
Americans  might  perhaps  purchase  there,  he  did 
not  believe  any  military  stores  were  being  shipped. 
It  was  impossible,  he  said,  to  prevent  private  trade, 
but  an  inquiry  into  the  alleged  transactions  had 
been  ordered.1 

As  soon  as  she  could  refit,  after  her  arrival  in 
France,  the  Reprisal  sailed  on  a  cruise  in  the  Bay 
of  Biscay  and  returned  to  L'Orient  in  February. 
On  the  14th,  Wickes  reported  to  the  commissioners : 
"  This  will  inform  you  of  my  safe  arrival  after  a 
tolerable  successful  cruise,  having  captured  3  sail 
of  Brigs,  one  snow  and  one  ship.  The  Snow  is  a 
Falmouth  Packet  bound  from  thence  to  Lisbon. 
She  is  mounted  with  16  guns  and  had  near  50  men 
on  board.  She  engaged  near  an  hour  before  she 
struck.  I  had  one  man  killed.  My  first  Lieut,  had 
his  left  arm  shot  off  above  the  elbow  and  the  Lieut, 
of  Marines  had  a  musquet  ball  lodged  in  his  wrist. 
They  had  several  men  wounded,  but  none  killed. 
.  .  .  Three  of  our  prizes  are  arrived  and  I  expect 
the  other  two  in  to-morrow."  2  In  due  time  Stormont 
was  informed  of  these  proceedings  and,  February 
25,  he  called  upon  Vergennes,  intending  to  demand 

1  Stevens,  1418,  1427   (Stormont  to  Weymouth,   January  29, 
February  5,  1777) ;  Proc.  U.  S.  Naval  Institute,  xxxvii  (Septem 
ber,  1911),  937,  938. 

2  Hale's  Franklin  in  France,  i,  114. 


260    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

"  the  Delivery  of  these  Ships  with  their  Crews, 
Cargoes,  &c. "  ;  but  the  French  minister  said 
"  that  immediately  upon  the  Receipt  of  this  News, 
a  Resolution  was  taken  to  order  the  American 
Ship  and  her  Prizes  instantly  to  put  to  Sea  and 
that  orders  were  given  in  Consequence,"  and 
added  that  these  directions  had  probably  already 
been  carried  out.  Vergennes  also  said  that  instruc 
tions  had  been  issued  "  not  to  suffer  any  American 
Vessel  to  cruise  near  the  Coast  of  France." 1  On 
March  4,  Stormont  complained  that  the  Reprisal  was 
still  at  L'Orient  and  that  two  of  the  prizes  had  been 
sold.  Vergennes  doubted  the  sale  of  these  vessels 
and  declared  that  the  Reprisal  had  been  ordered 
to  sail  immediately,  although  Captain  Wickes  had 
asked  to  be  allowed  to  make  necessary  repairs  first. 2 
Two  weeks  later  Stormont  sent  a  memorandum  to 
Vergennes  setting  forth  that  the  orders  of  the 
French  government  had  been  disregarded,  that  the 
Reprisal  was  still  at  L'Orient,  careened  and  under 
going  repairs,  and  that  all  five  of  the  prizes  had 
been  sold  and  must  have  been  sold  with  the  know 
ledge  and  consent  of  the  French  commissary  at 
L'Orient.  The  immediate  departure  of  the  Reprisal 
and  the  restoration  of  the  prizes,  which  had  all  been 
sold  to  Frenchmen,  was  demanded.3  Vergennes 
admitted  that  if  these  prizes,  sailing  under  French 

1  Stevens,   1438  (Stormont  to  Weymouth,  February  26,  1777). 

2  Ibid.,  1442  (March  5, 1777). 

3  Ibid.,  1483  (Stormont  to  Vergennes,  March  18,  1777). 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  261 

colors  and  manned  by  French  crews,  should  fall 
in  with  British  cruisers,  they  might  rightfully  be 
taken.  "  Property  cannot  be  altered  by  such  sales ; 
you  would  restore  us  the  sailors." l  Through  M.  de 
Sartine,  the  Minister  of  Marine,  an  investigation  of 
the  affair  was  made,  but  no  satisfactory  explanation 
of  the  condemnation  and  sale  of  the  prizes  could  be 
furnished.2  Meanwhile  the  American  Commission 
ers  had  at  the  outset  disclaimed  responsibility. 
February  20  they  wrote:  "We  have  ordered  no 
Prizes  into  the  Ports  of  France,  nor  do  we  know  of 
any  that  have  entered  for  any  other  purpose  than 
to  provide  themselves  with  necessaries,  untill  they 
could  sail  for  America  or  some  Port  in  Europe  for 
a  Market.  .  .  .  The  Reprisal  had  orders  to  cruise 
in  the  open  Sea  and  by  no  means  near  the  Coast  of 
France."  If  she  "has  taken  a  Station  offensive  to 
the  Commerce  of  France,  it  is  without  our  Orders 
or  Knowledge  and  we  shall  advise  the  Captain  of 
his  Error."  They  had  been  informed,  they  said, 
that  the  cruise  had  been  on  the  coast  of  Spain  and 
Portugal.3  In  April  they  wrote  to  the  Committee 
of  Secret  Correspondence  of  Congress  that  bring 
ing  the  prizes  "  into  France  has  given  some  trouble 
and  uneasiness  to  the  court  and  must  not  be  too 
frequently  practiced."  4 

1  Stevens,  1484  (Stormont  to  Weymouth,  March  19, 1777). 
3  Ibid.,  1536  (Sartine  to  Vergennes,  May  22,  1777). 
8  Ibid.,  644. 

*  Wharton,  ii,  287.  See  Wickes's  letters  in  Hole,  i,  115,  119, 
120. 


262    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

An  early  move  in  the  direction  of  American  ex 
pansion  and  the  acquisition  of  territory  beyond  the 
seas  was  taken  by  the  commissioners  in  Paris  when 
in  January,  1777,  the  following  warrant  was  issued 
by  them  to  the  Baron  de  Kullecourt :  "  We  the  un 
dersigned  Commissioners  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  §tates  pf  North  America  do  in  their  Name 
&  by  their  Authority  take  you  into  the  Service  of 
the  sd  States  as  Chief  of  a  Corps  which  you  are  to 
raise  &  Command  agreeable  to  the  Plan  by  you  de 
livered,  respecting  the  Islands  of  the  Zaffarines, 
understood  to  be  disowned  &  deserted."  The  Zaf 
farines  were  off  the  coast  of  Morocco.  Rullecourt 
was  authorized  to  fortify  and  defend  the  islands 
and  to  raise  the  American  flag  and  fight  under  it. 
He  and  his  officers  were  to  be  naturalized  as  Amer 
ican  citizens.  To  defeat  this  scheme  it  was  proposed 
to  the  British  government  to  induce  Morocco  to 
seize  the  islands,  when  Spain  would  probably  inter 
fere  and  they  would  be  occupied  by  one  or  the  other 
power.  Apparently  the  enterprise  was  soon  aban 
doned.1 

Among  the  seafaring  men  who  found  their  way 
from  America  to  Europe  during  the  Revolution  and 
entered  the  service  of  the  commissioners  was  Sam 
uel  Nicholson,  a  brother  of  Captain  James  Nichol 
son.  He  received  the  commission  of  lieutenant  in 
the  Continental  navy,  and  later  that  of  captain. 

1  Stevens,  4  (warrant),  54,  144  (P.  Wentworth  to  Earl  of  Suf 
folk,  March,  3,  5,  1777),  651  (map). 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  263 

Nicholson  was  directed  by  Franklin,  January  26, 
1777,  "  to  proceed  to  Boulogne  and  there  purchase, 
on  as  good  terms  as  possible,  a  cutter  suitable  for 
the  purpose  of  being  sent  to  America.  .  .  .  Should 
you  miss  of  one  at  Boulogne,  proceed  to  Calais  and 
pursue  the  same  directions.  If  you  fail  there,  pass 
to  Dover  or  Deal  and  employ  a  person  there  to  make 
the  purchase." l  In  pursuance  of  these  instructions 
Nicholson  got  to  England  before  meeting  with  suc 
cess.  Being  in  London  he  wrote  to  Captain  Joseph 
Hynson,  February  9,  1777 :  "I  came  to  town  12 
OClock  last  Night,  my  Business  are  of  such  a  na 
ture  wont  bare  puttg  to  Paper.  Shall  say  nothing 
more,  but  expect  to  see  you  Immediately.  I  shall 
leave  Town  early  the  Morrow  Morning,  therefore 
begg  You  will  not  loose  A  Minutes  time  in  Coming 
here,  as  I  have  business  of  Importance  for  you, 
wch  must  be  transacted  this  Day."2  A  week  later 
Nicholson  and  Hynson  were  in  Dover  together  and 
there  evidently  purchased  a  cutter,  which  was  called 
the  Dolphin  and  was  to  be  used  as  a  packet.  Feb 
ruary  17,  Nicholson  sailed  her  over  to  Calais.  Hyn- 
son  still  remained  in  Dover,  but  went  over  to  France 
a  few  days  later,  apparently  in  a  sloop  which  sailed 
the  22d.  Lord  North  was  promptly  advised  by 
one  of  his  agents  of  the  presence  in  England  of 
these  two  Americans.  Hynson  was  a  brother-in-law 
of  Captain  Wickes,  and  was  employed  by  Silas 
Deane  in  the  mercantile  affairs  of  the  commission- 

1  Wharton,  ii,  254.  2  Stevens,  9. 


264    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

era.  His  zeal  for  the  American  cause  was  unques 
tioned,  but  all  the  while  he  was  secretly  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  British  government.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Smith,  an  Englishman,  was  intimate  with  Hynson 
and  drew  much  information  from  him,  which  from 
time  to  time  he  forwarded  to  London.  A  number 
of  agents  were  employed  who  watched  the  move 
ments  of  Wickes,  Nicholson,  and  other  captains,  as 
well  as  of  the  American  Commissioners  in  Paris, 
and  reported  the  doings  of  Hortalez  and  Company, 
the  arrival  of  American  vessels,  and  other  items  of 
news.  The  Massachusetts  state  cruisers  Freedom 
and  Massachusetts,  which  arrived  in  the  spring  of 
177 7, l  were  kept  under  observation,  but  as  they 
had  sent  their  prizes  back  to  America,  they  did  not 
so  much  disturb  the  Englishmen  in  France.2 

William  Hodge,  a  Philadelphia  merchant  who 
had  come  to  France  by  way  of  Martinique  with  dis 
patches  from  Congress,  was  employed  by  the  com 
missioners  in  the  purchase  of  vessels  for  the  naval 
service.  On  this  errand  he  proceeded  to  Dunkirk, 
where  in  April  a  lugger  was  bought  which  was 
called  the  Surprise.3  Meanwhile  Gustavus  Conyng- 
ham,  an  American  mariner  of  Irish  birth,  who  had 

1  See  above,  pp.  234,  235. 

2  Stevens,  12,  13,  23,  26,  28,  37,  147,  154,  168,  248,  670;  Hale, 
i,  112,  113,  118. 

8  Wharton,  ii,  162,  181,  261,  283,  287,  380.  Deane  says  the  Sur 
prise  was  bought  in  Dover;  Conyngham  says  in  Dunkirk.  An  ac 
count  in  Nav.  Jnsf.,  xxxvii,  938,  based  on  the  archives  at  Dun 
kirk,  differs  slightly  but  not  essentially  from  the  above. 


FOREIGN   RELATIONS,  1777  265 

been  sent  out  from  Philadelphia  to  procure  military 
supplies,  had  come  to  Dunkirk  from  Holland,  hav 
ing  also  visited  London.  He  seems  to  have  been 
recommended  to  the  commissioners  by  Hodge  as 
a  capable  man  to  take  command  of  the  Surprise. 
They  accordingly  filled  out  for  him  one  of  the  blank 
commissions  they  had  received  for  that  purpose, 
signed  by  the  President  of  Congress  and  dated 
March  1,  1777.  The  Surprise  was  fitted  out,  armed 
with  ten  guns,  and  got  to  sea  about  the  1st  of  May. 
In  a  few  days  she  returned  to  Dunkirk  with  two 
prizes,  one  of  them  an  English  mail  packet  from 
Harwich.  The  British  ambassador  saw  Vergennes 
and  Maurepas,  May  8,  and  they  were  obliged  to 
yield  to  his  demands.  The  Surprise  was  seized,  her 
captain  and  most  of  his  crew  were  put  in  prison, 
and  the  prizes  released.  Conyngham's  commission 
was  sent  to  Versailles  and  was  not  returned  to 
him;  it  was  alleged  that  the  French  ministry  en 
deavored  to  persuade  the  American  Commissioners 
to  repudiate  this  document.  Apparently  the  French 
were  willing  in  this  way  to  sacrifice  Conyngham's 
good  name  in  aid  of  their  policy,  which  was  to  avoid 
a  rupture  with  England  until  the  time  was  ripe  for 
it.  However,  they  refused  to  deliver  him  in  person 
to  his  enemies.  Stormont  recorded  with  satisfac 
tion  :  "  The  Success  of  my  application  with  regard 
to  the  Dunkirk  Pirate  has  been  highly  displeasing 
to  Franklin  and  Deane.  They  made  strong  Remon 
strances,  but  were  given  to  understand  that  there 


266    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

are  some  things  too  glaring  to  be  winked  at."  1 
Vergennes  wrote  to  the  Marquis  de  Noailles,  the 
French  ambassador  at  London,  that  Conyngham's 
prizes  had  been  restored  to  the  British,  not  "  for 
love  of  them,  but  only  to  do  homage  to  the  prin 
ciples  of  justice  and  equity  "  ;  and  that  gratitude  on 
the  part  of  England  was  not  to  be  expected.2  It 
was  not  long  before  the  American  Commissioners 
procured  an  order  for  the  release  of  Conyngham  and 
his  crew,  but  so  far  as  concerned  the  latter  it  was 
not  at  once  executed  for  fear  that  the  crew  would 
disperse,  and  they  were  needed  to  man  a  cutter 
which  Hodge  had  purchased  at  Dunkirk.  This  ves 
sel  was  named  the  Revenge  and  carried  fourteen 
guns.  Meanwhile  Stormont  continued  to  complain 
that  both  in  France  and  in  the  French  West  In 
dies  vessels  were  fitted  out  and  manned  with  French 
sailors  under  American  captains,  given  American 
commissions,  and  then  cruised  against  British  com 
merce.  If  boarded  by  a  British  man-of-war,  the 
crews  would  all  talk  French  and  show  French  pa 
pers  and  nothing  could  be  proved  against  them. 
Vergennes  promised  to  have  these  abuses  corrected, 
and  Sartine,  the  Minister  of  Marine,  issued  orders 
to  prevent  the  fitting-out  of  vessels  with  American 
commissions  in  the  French  West  Indies.  Vergennes 
thought  Stormont  showed  want  of  consideration  in 
keeping  spies  in  French  ports.3 

1  Stevens,  1533  (to  Weymouth,  May  14,  1777). 

2  Ibid.,  1546  (June  7,  1777). 

8  Ibid.,  159,  245,  690,  1529,  1530, 1531, 1543, 1548,  1551,  1552, 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  267 

The  Continental  brig  Lexington,  Captain  Henry 
Johnson,  sailed  from  Baltimore,  February  27, 1777, 
and  arrived  in  France  early  in  April.  Johnson  had 
been  captured  the  year  before  in  the  privateer 
Yankee l  and  had  escaped  from  a  prison  ship.  Upon 
his  return  to  America  he  had  been  given  a  Conti 
nental  commission.  The  American  Commissioners  in 
Paris  now  planned  to  send  the  Reprisal,  Lexington, 
and  Dolphin  on  a  cruise  along  the  shores  of  the 
British  Isles.  George  Lupton,  one  of  the  English 
men  in  France  engaged  in  watching  the  course  of 
events,  wrote  May  13  to  William  Eden  of  the  for 
eign  office  in  London  :  "  I  have  at  last  with  some 
certainty  discovered  the  intended  voyage  of  Nichol 
son,  Weakes  &  Johnson ;  they  have  all  sail'd  from 
Nantes  and  mean  if  possiable  to  intercept  some  of 
your  transports  with  foreign  troops,  but  in  what 
place  or  latitude  cannot  say."  2  It  is  probable  that 
the  squadron  did  not  sail  quite  as  early  as  this.  The 
orders  for  the  cruise  issued  by  Wickes,  who  was 
senior  officer,  to  Johnson  and  Nicholson  were  dated 
May  23.  The  ships  were  not  to  separate  "  unless  we 
should  be  Chased  by  a  Vessel  of  Superior  Force  & 
it  should  be  Necessary  so  to  do  for  our  own  preser 
vation."  In  such  an  event  "  you  may  continue  your 
Cruize  through  the  Irish  Channel  or  to  the  North 
West  of  Ireland,  as  you  may  Judge  Safest  and  best, 

1553,  1555 ;  Nav.  Inst.,  xxxvii,  938-941 ;  Almon,  v,  143,  146, 176; 
Williams,  200,  201 ;  Perm.  Mag.  Hist,  and  Biog.,  January,  1899; 
Outlook,  January  3,  1903. 
1  See  above,  p.  152.  2  Stevens,  158. 


268    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

untill  you  Arrive  off  the  Isles  Orkney  and  there 
Cruize  5  or  6  Days  for  the  Fleet  to  Come  up  &  join 
you.  If  they  do  not  appear  in  that  time  You  may 
make  the  best  of  your  Way  back  for  Bilboa  or  St 
Sebastian  &  there  Refit  as  fast  as  possible  for  An 
other  Cruize,  informing  the  Honourable  Commis 
sioners  of  your  Safe  Arrival  and  the  Success  of 
your  Cruize."  Prizes  were  to  be  sent  into  Spanish 
or  French  ports,  all  the  prisoners  having  been  taken 
out.  "  The  Prize  Master  must  not  Report  or  Enter 
her  as  Prize,  but  as  An  American  Vessel  from  a 
port  that  will  be  most  likely  to  gain  Credit  accord 
ing  to  the  Cargo  she  may  have  on  board.  .  .  .  Be 
Very  Attentive  to  your  Signals  and  if  you  should 
be  taken,  you  must  take  Care  to  Distroy  them.  .  .  . 
Take  care  to  have  all  the  Prisoners  properly  Se 
cured,  to  prevent  their  Rising  &  taking  your  Ves 
sel,  &  if  you  meet  a  Dutch,  French,  Dean,  Sweed, 
or  Spainish  Vessel,  when  you  have  a  Number  of 
Prisoners  on  board,  I  think  it  would  do  well  to  put 
them  on  board  any  of  those  Vessels,  giving  as  much 
provision  and  Water  as  will  serve  them  into  Port. 
If  any  of  your  prizes  should  be  Chased  or  in  danger, 
they  may  Run  into  the  first  or  most  Convenient 
Port  they  Can  reach  in  France  or  Spain,  prefering 
Bilboa,  St  Sebastians,  L'Orient,  or  Nantz.  ...  If 
you  take  a  prize  that  you  think  worth  Sending  to 
America,  you  may  dispatch  her  for  Some  of  the 
Northern  Ports  in  the  Massechusets  States."  l 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  41,  7,  145. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  269 

The  squadron  cruised  a  month,  and  while  they 
missed  the  linen  ships  which  they  had  hoped  to 
capture,  several  prizes  were  made  in  the  Irish  Sea, 
and  the  Dolphin  took  a  Scotch  armed  brig  after  a 
half-hour's  engagement.  Upon  his  return  to  France 
Wickes  wrote  to  the  Commissioners  from  St.  Malo, 
June  28,  informing  them  of  his  "  safe  arrival  at 
this  port  yesterday,  in  company  with  Capt.  Samuel 
Nicholson  of  the  sloop  Dolphin.  We  parted  from 
Capt.  Johnson  the  day  before  yesterday,  a  little  to 
the  east  of  Ushant.  Now  for  the  History  of  our 
late  cruise.  We  sailed  in  company  with  Captains 
Johnson  and  Nicholson  from  St  Nazaire  May  28th, 
1777.  The  30th  fell  in  with  The  Fudrion  [Fou- 
droyant,  84,]  about  40  leagues  to  the  west  of  Bell- 
isle,  who  chased  us,  fired  several  guns  at  the 
Lexington,  but  we  got  clear  of  her  very  soon  and 
pursued  our  course  to  the  No  West  in  order  to  pro 
ceed  round  into  the  North  Sea."  The  squadron 
fell  in  with  several  French,  Portuguese,  and  Dutch 
vessels,  and  on  the  19th  of  June,  off  the  north  of 
Ireland,  they  took  their  first  prizes  —  two  brigs 
and  two  sloops.  During  the  following  week  they 
cruised  in  the  Irish  Sea  and  made  fourteen  addi 
tional  captures,  comprising  two  ships,  seven  brigs, 
and  five  other  vessels.  Of  these  eighteen  prizes 
eight  were  sent  into  port,  three  were  released,  and 
seven  were  sunk,  three  of  them  within  sight  of  the 
enemy's  ports.  June  27  "  at  6  a.  m.  saw  a  large 
ship  off  Ushant;  stood  for  her  at  10  a.  m.  [and] 


270    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

discovered  her  to  be  a  large  ship  of  war  standing 
for  us;  bore  away  and  made  sail  from  her.  She 
chased  us  till  9  p.  m.  and  continued  firing  at  us 
from  4  till  6  at  night;  she  was  almost  within 
musket  shot  and  we  escaped  by  heaving  our  guns 
overboard  and  lightening  the  ship.  They  pay  very 
little  regard  to  the  laws  of  neutrality,  as  they 
chased  me  and  fired  as  long  as  they  dared  stand  in, 
for  fear  of  running  ashore."  l  One  of  the  prizes, 
taken  in  the  Irish  Sea  and  released,  had  been  sent 
into  Whitehaven  full  of  prisoners,  including  a 
hundred  and  ten  seamen  besides  a  number  of  women 
and  children.  During  the  exciting  chase  described  by 
Wickes  the  Dolphin  sprung  her  mast,  but  also  got 
safely  into  St.  Malo,  and  the  Lexington  into  Mor- 
laix.  Lupton  wrote  to  Eden,  July  9 :  "  These  three 
fellows  have  three  of  the  fastest  Sailing  Vessell  in 
the  employ  of  the  Colonies  and  its  impossiable  to 
take  them  unless  it  Blows  hard."2  The  squadron 
required  refitting  and  the  Reprisal  a  new  battery.3 
An  earlier  visit  of  American  cruisers  to  the  coast 
of  Ireland  was  reported  in  a  letter  from  Galway : 
"  Two  American  privateers  [the  Rover  and  Mont 
gomery],  mounting  14  guns  each  and  as  many 
swivels,  put  in  here  to  procure  some  fresh  provi 
sions  and  water.  On  being  supplied  with  such 
necessaries  as  they  wanted,  for  which  they  paid  in 

1  Hale,  i,  122.  2  Stevens,  179. 

8  Hale,  i,  120-124;  Almon,  v,  174, 175;  Wharton,  ii,  379,  380; 
Boston  Gazette,  October  6,  1777;  Stevens,  61,  154,  175,  178,  680, 
703, 1437, 1521,  1539. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  271 

dollars,  they  weighed  anchor  and  sailed,  after  be 
ing  in  the  bay  only  24  hours.  During  the  short 
time  the  Captains  were  on  shore  they  behaved  with 
the  greatest  politeness.  .  .  .  The  crews  that  caine 
on  shore  with  them  were  dressed  in  blue  uniforms 
with  cockades  and  made  a  genteel  appearance,  but 
were  all  armed  wi^h  pistols,  &c.  They  had  been  out 
from  Philadelphia  ten  weeks  and  had  taken  only 
four  prizes,  which  they  had  sent  to  America."1 
Another  letter,  from  Kinsale,  says :  "  Two  fishing- 
boats,  who  came  in  here  yesterday,  brought  on 
shore  the  crew  of  a  ship  taken  by  an  American 
privateer  off  Bristol  Channel.  The  privateer  made 
a  signal  to  the  fishing  boats,  which  they  thought 
signified  their  want  of  a  pilot  .  .  .  and  accord 
ingly  went  on  board  them,  having  sent  the  vessel 
the  day  before  for  France.  The  privateers'  people 
behaved  very  well  to  the  fishermen,  paid  them  for 
what  fish  they  took,  and  the  Captain  gave  them  a 
cask  of  brandy  for  their  trouble  in  coming  on  board. 
She  was  called  the  Resolution,  mounted  fourteen 
guns  and  had  one  hundred  and  ten  men  when  she 
left  New  England,  but  at  that  time  not  above 
eighty,  on  account  of  the  number  they  had  put  on 
board  their  prizes,  having  taken  five  already."  2 

The  presence  of  American  armed  vessels  in  Brit 
ish  waters  caused  apprehension  among  the  English. 

1  Boston  Gazette,  June  2,  1777 ;  London  Chronicle,  March  29, 
1777. 

,v,  174. 


272    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

In  April,  while  Wickes's  squadron  was  fitting  out, 
Stormont  had  information,  which  he  believed  reli 
able,  that  eight  or  ten  French  ships  under  American 
commanders  were  preparing  for  descent  upon  Great 
Britain  and  that  Glasgow  was  likely  to  be  attacked.1 
"  It  is  true,"  says  a  contemporary  chronicler,  "  that 
the  coasts  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  were  in 
sulted  by  the  American  privateers  in  a  manner 
which  our  hardiest  enemies  had  never  ventured  in 
our  most  arduous  contentions  with  foreigners.  Thus 
were  the  inmost  and  most  domestic  recesses  of  our 
trade  rendered  insecure,  and  a  convoy  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  linen  ships  from  Dublin  and  Newry 
was  now  for  the  first  time  seen.  The  Thames  also 
presented  the  unusual  and  melancholy  spectacle  of 
numbers  of  foreign  ships,  particularly  French,  tak 
ing  in  cargoes  of  English  commodities  for  various 
parts  of  Europe,  the  property  of  our  own  merchants, 
who  were  thus  seduced  to  seek  that  protection,  under 
the  colours  of  other  nations,  which  the  British  flag 
used  to  afford  to  all  the  world." 2  Insurance  rose 
very  high,  which  of  course  was  one  inducement  for 
English  merchants  to  ship  their  goods  in  foreign 
bottoms.  In  July,  1777,  the  British  Admiralty 
stationed  four  ships  in  the  Irish  Sea  for  the  pro 
tection  of  the  coasts  of  England  and  Ireland.3 
The  British  ambassador  in  France  was  fully  in- 

1  Stevens,  1519.  2  Annual  Register,  xxi  (1778),  36. 

3   Wharton,  ii,  168,  254,  391 ;   Williams,  209.   For  rate»  of  in 
surance,  see  Channing,  iii,  389,  note. 


FOREIGN   RELATIONS,  1777  273 

formed  of  the  purchase  and  fitting-out  of  the 
Revenge  at  Dunkirk  and  made  strenuous  efforts  to 
have  the  proceeding  stopped.  It  was  necessary, 
therefore,  to  use  circumspection  in  managing  the 
affair,  and  this  Hodge  did  by  making  a  fictitious 
sale  of  the  vessel  to  an  Englishman,  who  guaranteed 
that  she  would  go  to  Norway  on  a  trading  voyage. 
Nevertheless  Captain  Conyngham  and  his  crew  of  a 
hundred  and  six  men,  including  sixty-six  French, 
and,  according  to  English  report,  "  composed  of  all 
the  most  desperate  fellows  wjbdch  could  be  procured 
in  so  blessed  a  port  as  Dunkirk," 1  were  put  on 
board.  The  Revenge  then  hastily  put  to  sea,  before 
she  could  be  detained  .in  port  or  stopped  off  the 
harbor  by  an  English  captain  who  had  threatened 
to  seize  and  burn  her.  Conyngham  had  been  given 
a  new  commission,  dated  May  2, 1777,  and  instruc 
tions  "  not  to  attack,  but  if  attacked,  at  Liberty  to 
retaliate  in  every  manner  in  our  power  —  Burn, 
Sink  &  destroy  the  Enemy."  The  Revenge  sailed 
July  16,  and  the  next  day,  the  captain  says,  was 
"  attackd,  fired  on,  chased  by  several  british  f  rigatts, 
sloops  of  War  &  Cutters."2  She  escaped,  however, 
and  made  a  cruise  in  the  North  Sea,  Irish  Sea,  and 
Atlantic,  taking  many  prizes.  One  of  these  was  re 
captured  by  the  British,  who  found  on  her  a  prize 
crew  of  twenty-one,  including  sixteen  Frenchmen. 

1  Almon,  v,  173. 

2  Perm.   Mag.  Hist,   and  Biog.,  January,  1899,  Conyngham's 
narrative. 


274    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Conyngham  landed  on  the  coast  of  Ireland  for  water 
and  sailed  for  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  putting  into  Ferrol. 
From  here  and  from  Coruna  he  cruised  successfully 
the  rest  of  the  year,  sending  his  prizes  into  Spanish 
ports.1 

The  cruises  of  the  Reprisal,  Lexington  and 
Dolphin,  and  of  the  Revenge,  brought  forth  re 
newed  protests  from  Stormont  and  more  or  less  lame 
excuses  and  promises  of  increased  vigilance  from 
Vergennes.  The  latter  reproached  the  American 
Commissioners  for  failure  to  keep  their  cruisers 
away  from  French  ports.  They  expressed  concern 
at  the  continued  presence  of  these  vessels  in  for 
bidden  waters,  and  explained  that  they  had  been 
driven  in  by  the  enemy's  men-of-war.  Hodge  was 
arrested  and  thrown  into  the  Bastile,  where  he  was 
confined  several  weeks.  He  was  well  treated,  how 
ever,  and  finally  released  at  the  solicitation  of  the 
Commissioners.  The  Reprisal,  Lexington,  and  Dol 
phin  were  ordered  to  be  sequestered  and  detained 
until  sufficient  security  could  be  obtained  that  they 
would  return  directly  to  America.  But  in  regard  to 
captures  Vergennes  was  indisposed  to  yield  too  far, 
and  represented  to  the  King  that  if  he  should  con 
sent  "  to  compel  the  surrender,  without  examination, 
of  the  prizes  that  American  privateers  may  bring 
into  his  ports,  to  the  owners  who  may  have  been 

1  Penn.  Mag.,  January,  1899 ;  Outlook,  January  3,  1903 ;  Nav. 
Ins*.,  xxxvii,  941,  942 ;  Stevens,  200,  274,  1556,  1560,  1569,  1575, 
1582, 1589, 1593, 1594. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  275 

despoiled  of  them,  it  will  have  the  effect  of  declar 
ing  them  and  their  countrymen  to  be  pirates  and 
sea-robbers."1  The  account  of  England  against 
France  was  to  a  slight  degree  offset  by  the  case  of 
an  American  sea  captain  in  Cherbourg  who  was 
enticed  on  board  a  British  vessel  in  the  harbor  and 
then  seized  and  carried  off  a  prisoner.2 

After  being  driven  into  port  at  the  end  of  their 
cruise  around  Ireland,  Captains  Wickes  and  John 
son  were  employed  several  weeks  in  refitting  their 
damaged  vessels,  the  Reprisal  at  St.  Malo  and  the 
Lexington  at  Morlaix.  The  Dolphin  was  converted 
into  a  packet,  for  which  service  she  had  been  pur 
chased  in  the  first  place.  Stormont's  demands  be 
came  too  insistent  to  be  longer  evaded,  and  in  July 
the  commissioners  issued  peremptory  orders  for  the 
Reprisal  and  Lexington  to  proceed  directly  to 
America  and  to  cruise  no  longer  in  European 
waters.3  In  September  the  ships  were  ready  for 
sea.  Wickes  wished  to  make  the  voyage  in  company 
with  Johnson,  but  they  did  not  meet,  and  each  sailed 
forth  alone,  marked  out  for  disaster.  The  Reprisal, 
homeward  bound,  was  lost  on  the  Banks  of  New 
foundland  and  all  on  board,  except  the  cook,  it  is 
said,  went  down  with  her.  Wickes  was  one  of  the 

1  Stevens,  706  (August  23,  1777). 

2  Ibid.,  180,  701, 1562,  1574, 1578, 1588, 1591,  1594, 1596, 1597, 
1646,  1654,  1694;  Wharton,  ii,  364,  365,  375,  377,  381,  406;  Nav. 
Inst.,  xxxvii,  942-947 ;  Adams  M88.,  William  McCreery  to  Adams, 
Nantes,  September  29,  1777.  See  Almon,  he,  201-241. 

8  See  Wickes's  letters  in  Hale,  i,  125-128. 


276    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

best  officers  in  the  Continental  navy  and  his  loss 
was  irreparable.  The  Lexington,  on  September  19, 
two  days  out  of  Morlaix,  fell  in  with  the  British 
ten-gun  cutter  Alert,  Lieutenant  Bazeley,  who  says 
in  his  report  :  "  I  gave  chace  at  five  in  the  Morning 
and  came  up  with  him  at  half  past  seven,  had  a 
close  Engagement  till  ten,  when  He  bore  up  and 
made  Sail  ;  as  soon  as  I  got  my  Rigging  to  rights, 
again  gave  Chace  and  came  up  with  him  at  half 
past  one,  renewed  the  Action  till  half  past  two, 
when  he  Struck."  l  The  Lexington  lost  seven  killed 
and  eleven  wounded  ;  the  Alert,  two  killed  and  three 
wounded,  one  of  them  mortally.  According  to  the 
log  of  the  Alert,  the  Lexington  carried  fourteen 
four-pounders,  two  sixes,  twelve  swivels,  and  eighty- 
four  men.  The  Alert  carried  ten  four-pounders,  ten 
swivels,  and  sixty  men.  Apparently  on  the  author 
ity  of  Richard  Dale,  an  officer  on  the  Lexington,  it 
is  said  that  she  was  short  of  ammunition,  which 
would  account  for  her  striking  to  an  inferior  force. 
Several  letters  were  captured  on  the  Lexington, 
but  the  most  important  papers,  including  dispatches 
to  Congress,  were  thrown  overboard  before  the  sur 
render.  A  report,  fortunately  untrue,  that  Captain 
Johnson  had  been  killed  in  the  action,  added  to  the 
depressing  effect  of  the  ship's  loss  upon  Franklin 
and  other  Americans  in  France.2 


2  Ibid.,  181,  703,  1572,  1583,  1654,  1677,  1685,  1686,  1699,  1708  ; 
Almon,  v,  362  ;  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  Captains'  Logs,  No.  51  (log  of 
Alert);  Boston  Gazette,  January  12,  1778  ;  Port  Folio,  June  1814. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  277 

Captain  Hynson's  service  in  the  American  cause 
came  to  an  end  in  the  fall  of  1777.  During  several 
previous  months  various  plans  for  sending  him  to 
America  with  cargoes  of  stores  and  dispatches  had 
been  made  by  Deane,  and  plots  for  intercepting 
him  and  turning  his  employment  to  the  advantage 
of  the  British  had  been  laid  by  Colonel  Smith. 
Hynson  was  to  have  sailed  as  a  passenger  in  March, 
and  Smith  made  arrangements  to  have  his  vessel 
captured  soon  after  leaving  port.  Stormont  feared 
that  Hynson  was  too  much  under  Deane's  influence 
to  be  trusted.  Owing  to  various  circumstances  the 
different  plans  made  during  the  spring  and  summer 
fell  through.  In  October,  Deane  sent  to  Hynson  a 
packet  containing  dispatches  for  Congress  which 
were  to  be  conveyed  to  America  by  a  vessel  com 
manded  by  Captain  John  Folger  of  Nantucket, 
about  to  sail  from  Havre.  Hynson  delivered  the 
parcel  to  Folger  as  instructed,  having  first,  however, 
removed  the  dispatches,  which  were  turned  over  to 
British  agents.  In  due  time  this  transaction  became 
known  to  Deane,  who  expressed  his  opinion  of  it  in 
appropriate  terms  in  a  letter  to  Hynson.  Upon  his 
arrival  in  America,  Folger  was  suspected  of  the 
theft,  which  was  then  first  discovered,  and  he  was 
kept  in  prison  about  six  months.  Deane  was  suspected 
by  Arthur  Lee,  and  this  circumstance  may  have 
served  to  protect  Hynson.  These  intercepted  let 
ters,  together  with  those  captured  on  the  Lexing 
ton,  gave  the  British  a  good  deal  of  information 


278    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

about  the  American  Commissioners'  plans.  Shortly 
before  this  another  vessel  with  dispatches  from 
Congress  to  the  commissioners  had  narrowly  escaped 
capture  and  the  dispatches  had  been  thrown  over 
board.1 

The  Continental  sloop  Independence,  Captain 
Young,  arrived  at  L' Orient  late  in  September  and 
disposed  of  two  prizes  before  the  English  had  time 
to  interfere.  She  was  followed  shortly  after  by  the 
Rajeigb  and  Alfred.2  The  Randplph  came  in  Decem 
ber.  These  vessels  do  not  seem  to  have  cruised  in 
European  waters,  presumably  on  account  of  the 
necessity,  which  the  French  government  felt,  of  paci 
fying  England.  Stormont  protested  against  their 
remaining  in  port,  and  they  sailed  for  home  early 
in  the  following  year.  The  Ranger  also  arrived  in 
December.3  Captain  Jones  had  hoped  to  be  the 
first  to  bear  the  glorious  tidings  of  Burgoyne's  sur 
render,  but  he  was  forestalled  by  a  special  messen 
ger  in  a  swift  packet.4 

American  privateers  were  very  active  in  foreign 
waters  during  the  year  1777,  and  displayed  bold 
ness  and  enterprise  in  pursuing  the  enemy  close  to 
his  own  shores.  They  cruised  all  about  the  British 
Isles,  in  the  North  Sea  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  and 
in  the  West  Indies.  The  British  stationed  men-of- 

1  Steven*,  51,  52,  53,  64, 165, 166,  167,  181, 193,  203,  205,  208, 
269,  472 ;  Wharton,  ii,  468 ;  Lee  MS8.,  October  7,  1777,  January 
5, 12, 17,  April  18, 1778. 

2  See  above,  p.  230.  *  See  above,  p.  249. 
*  Stevens,  204,  274, 1708,  1799,  1808 ;  Wharton,  ii,  428. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  279 

war  in  the  English  Channel  for  the  protection  of 
commerce.1  The  Americans  were  well  rewarded  for 
their  activity  and  sent  in  many  a  rich  prize.  Cap 
tain  Lee  of  Newburyport,  who  had  been  charged 
with  piracy  at  Bilbao  the  year  before,2  sent  safely 
into  port  a  vessel  which  was  said  to  be  the  most 
valuable  prize  taken  during  the  war  up  to  that  time.3 
On  the  other  hand,  the  risks  were  great,  and  many 
of  these  predatory  American  cruisers  were  captured 
by  the  British.4  The  Republic,  24,  was  wrecked  on 
the  Orkney  Islands  and  all  hands  were  lost.6  Until 
summer  probably  all  the  American  privateers  in 
European  seas  came  out  from  home  with  commis 
sions.  In  December,  1776,  the  Committee  of  Secret 
Correspondence  had  written  to  the  commissioners  in 
Paris  that  "  Congress  approve  of  armed  vessels  being 
fitted  out  by  you  on  continental  account,  provided 
the  court  of  France  dislike  not  the  measure,  and 
blank  commissions  for  this  purpose  will  be  sent  you 
by  the  next  opportunity.  Private  ships  of  war  or 
privateers  cannot  be  admitted  where  you  are,  be 
cause  the  securities  necessary  in  such  cases  to  pre 
vent  irregular  practices  cannot  be  given  by  the 
owners  and  commanders  of  such  privateers."  6  But 

1  Stevens,  47  ;  Almon,  v,  144.  2  See  above,  p.  254. 

8  Boston  Gazette,  September  8,  1777. 

4  Ibid.,  August  18,  1777;  London  Chronicle,  April  12,  22,  July 
22,  26,  31,  August  5,  1777 ;  Almon,  v,  168. 

5  Boston   Gazette,   December  22,   1777;    Continental  Journal, 
December  25,  1777. 

6  Wharton,  ii,  231. 


280    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

by  the  following  May  the  views  of  Congress  in  this 
regard  had  undergone  a  change,  and  in  response  to 
a  request  of  Franklin  and  his  associates,  "  commis 
sions  for  fitting  out  privateers  in  France"  were  sent.1 
Every  visit  of  an  American  armed  vessel  to  a 
port  of  France  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
French  government  by  the  British  ambassador.  A 
letter  from  Guernsey,  June  5,  says :  "  An  Ameri 
can  privateer  of  twelve  guns  came  into  this  road 
yesterday  morning,  tacked  about  on  the  firing  of 
the  guns  from  the  Castle,  and  just  off  the  Island 
took  a  large  brig  bound  for  this  port,  which  they 
have  since  carried  into  Cherburgh.  She  had  the 
impudence  to  send  her  boat  in  the  dusk  of  the 
evening  to  a  little  island  off  here  .  .  .  and  unluckily 
carried  off  [two  officers]  who  were  shooting  rab 
bits  for  their  diversion.  Two  gentlemen  of  conse 
quence  are  gone  to  Cherburgh  to  demand  them."2 
The  prize,  being  ordered  away  on  her  arrival  at 
Cherbourg,  was  sold  outside  the  harbor.3  In  July 
the  General  Mifflin,  a  twenty-gun  ship  from  Boston 
commanded  by  Captain  Daniel  McNeill,  sailed  into 
the  harbor  of  Brest  and  saluted  the  French  admiral. 
After  a  consultation  of  the  admiral  with  his  officers, 
this  salute  was  returned  and  naturally  became  the 
subject  of  complaint  and  international  correspond 
ence.4  Vergennes  wrote  to  Noailles,  August  16,  that 

1  Wharton,  ii,  249,  314.  2  Almon,  v,  143. 

8  Stevens,  1599. 

*  Almon,  v,  203 ;  Stevens,  1599 ;   Wharton,  ii,  381. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  281 

the  General  Mifflin  had  been  allowed  to  put  into 
Brest  on  account  of  a  leak  and  that  he  had  not  heard 
of  the  salute  ;  and  he  added  that  French  cruisers 
were  employed  in  keeping  "  off  all  privateers  from 
our  latitudes  and  ...  we  have  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Garonne  a  frigate  whose  only  duty  is  to  protect 
there  English  commerce."1  Stormont  also  com 
plained  of  the  General  Mercer  and  Fanny,  which 
had  brought  two  Jamaicamen  into  Nantes;  these 
prizes  were  afterwards  given  up  for  having  been 
falsely  declared  as  American  vessels.2  The  priva 
teer  Civil  Usage  took  a  French  ship  from  England 
with  a  Spanish  cargo,  for  which  the  commissioners 
apologized  to  the  King  of  Spain,  and  in  other  in 
stances,  such  as  the  seizure  of  a  Dutch  vessel,  irri 
tation  was  caused.3  Consequently  the  commissioners 
sent  a  circular  letter,  dated  November  21,  to  the 
captains  of  American  armed  vessels  :  "  Complaints 
having  been  brought  to  us  of  violences  offered  by 
American  vessels  armed  in  neutral  nations,  in 
seizing  vessels  belonging  to  their  subjects  and  car 
rying  their  flag  and  in  taking  those  of  the  enemy 
while  they  were  under  the  protection  of  the  coasts 
of  neutral  countries,  contrary  to  the  usage  and 
custom  of  civilized  nations ;  these  presents  are  to 
request  you  not  to  commit  any  such  violations  con 
trary  to  the  right  of  nations,  but  to  conform  your- 

1  Stevens,  1651. 

2  Ibid.,  1661,  1664,  1801 ;  Wharton,  ii,  381,  496. 

8  Stevens,  1745;   Wharton,  ii,  429,  430,  431,  435;  Lee  MSS., 
Gardoqui  to  Lee,  October  27,  1777. 


XiL/"* 

282    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

selves  to  the  express  powers  in  your  commissions, 
which  is  to  limit  yourselves  to  the  capture  of  such 
vessels  at  such  times  as  they  shall  not  be  under  the 
protection  of  a  port,  river,  or  neutral  coast,  and  con 
fine  yourselves  only  to  seizing  such  ships  as  shall 
have  on  board  soldiers,  ammunition,  provisions, 
or  other  contraband  merchandizes  destined  for  the 
British  armies  and  vessels  employed  against  the 
United  States.  In  all  other  cases  you  will  respect 
the  rights  of  neutrality  as  you  would  yourselves 
expect  protection,  and  treat  all  neutral  vessels  with 
the  greatest  regard  and  friendship,  for  the  honour 
of  your  country  and  that  of  yourselves."  1 

The  privateer ,  brig  Oliver  Cromwell,  Captain 
William  Cole,  of  Beverly,  carried  sixteen  guns  and 
a  hundred  men  and  cruised  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay. 
August  4,  1777,  and  again  on  the  6th,  she  was 
chased  by  a  sixty-gun  ship,  and  not  only  escaped, 
but  during  the  chase  captured  two  brigs,  one  of 
which  "  was  formerly  an  American  Privateer  called 
the  Montgomery,  mounting  18  Guns,  taken  &  car 
ried  into  Gibralter,  Capt.  Fibby  Commander.  She 
had  Several  Laidys  on  Board  boun  to  Lisbon,  whom 
we  determined  to  take  on  Board  us  &,  together  with 
all  our  other  Prisoners,  land  them  (as  they  were 
effectionately  desireous  of  it)  on  the  British  Shore. 
But  at  3  P.M.  saw  2  Brigs  which  we  bore  away  for, 
and  not  knowing  what  they  might  prove  to  be,  or 
dered  Capt.  Gray  to  keep  away  from  us  on  a  west- 

1  Almon,  v,  509.  See  Appendix  IV. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  283 

ward  Course.  Out  Oars  (being  a  small  Breeze)  & 
rowed  towards  them.  They  kept  near  each  other  & 
hove  too  and  formed  in  a  Posture  of  Battle  to  re 
ceive  us.  Every  Thing  being  prepared  for  Battle, 
we  advanced;  one  of  them  gave  several  Sho[t], 
which  we  took  no  Notice  of  till  we  came  nigh  enough 
to  give  her  2  Broad  Sides,  She  continuing  her  Fire. 
By  our  well  directed  Fire  She  was  compelled  to 
strike  to  us  &  earnestly  beg  of  us  to  desist  our  Fire 
on  her.  Our  Capt.  then  ordered  to  bear  away  for 
the  other  Brig,  which  orders  were  immediately  com- 
plyed  with.  We  then  charged  the  other  with  an  in 
cessant  Fire  for  almost  3  Glasses.  She  returned  our 
Fire  for  some  Time  with  Spirit,  but  being  disan- 
abled,  wore  off.  The  other  which  fell  a  Stern  &  not 
withstanding  she  had  fairly  struck  to  us,  yet  seeing 
her  Partners  Fire,  she  worried  us  with  her  Bow 
Chacers,  but  did  us  no  Damage.  But  now  our  Offi 
cers  began  to  think  of  the  Man  of  War,  which  had 
been  in  Chace  all  Day  &  was  now  reasonably  ex 
pected  to  be  near  up  with  us;  therefore  being  dark, 
they  rightly  judged  it  best  to  give  over  the  Assault 
for  this  Night,  least  falling  in  between  three  of  them 
we  must  be  obliged  to  submit,  &  so  altered  our 
Course."  Two  days  later  the  Oliver  Cromwell  fell 
in  with  a  fleet  of  British  transports  convoyed  by 
three  men-of-war.  August  16  she  took  three  prizes, 
and  a  week  later  was  at  Bilbao,  where  she  found 
the  Civil  Usage  and  another  American  privateer. 
The  Cromwell  returned  to  America  by  a  southerly 


284    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

route,  and  by  the  middle  of  October  was  not  far 
from  the  Canary  Islands.  On  the  16th  she  saw  a 
sail  which  gave  chase.  "Discovered  her  to  be  a 
Frigate.  Now  she  began  to  fire  at  us ;  many  of  her 
Shot  went  over  us.  Several  struck  our  Hull  &  Sails. 
We  hove  our  Guns  overboard  &  stove  some  Water 
&  by  that  means  got  a  little  from  her."  The  next 
day,  "the  Man  of  War  in  Chace  hard  by.  We 
Rowed  &  kept  at  a  Distance."  October  18,  "  lost 
sight  of  the  Man  of  War."  1 

The  American  Commissioners  in  Paris  endeav 
ored  to  carry  out  the  instructions  of  Congress,  which 
called  for  ships  of  the  line  and  other  vessels  to  be 
built,  purchased,  or  hired  in  France,  but  met  with 
difficulties.  The  French  government  positively  re 
fused  to  sell  or  loan  eight  ships  of  the  line,  on  the 
ground  that  they  could  not  be  spared  from  their 
navy,  as  the  possibility  of  trouble  with  England 
made  any  reduction  of  their  defensive  force  inad 
missible  at  that  time.  This  was  a  great  disappoint 
ment,  as  it  had  been  confidently  believed  that  the 
British  blockade  of  the  American  coast  could  be 
successfully  broken  by  these  heavy  ships  together 
with  the  thirteen  Continental  frigates,  all  of  which 
it  was  hoped  would  soon  be  at  sea.  The  project  was 
formed  of  procuring  three  ships  in  Sweden,  of  fifty 

1  Essex  Inst.  Coll.,  July,  1909 ;  Boston  Gazette,  December  15, 
1777 ;  London  Chronicle,  September  2, 1777.  See  further,  for  move 
ments  of  American  privateers  in  foreign  waters,  Boston  Gazette, 
October  6,  13,  1777  ;  London  Chronicle,  July  24,  August  5,  1777 ; 
Almon,  v,  171,  176;  Stevens,  1551,  1650. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  285 

or  sixty  guns  each,  but  no  move  appears  to  have 
teen  made  to  carry  it  through.  In  addition  to  pur 
chasing  and  fitting  out  the  Dolphin  and  Surprise, 
whose  service  was  very  temporary,  and  the  Kevenge, 
the  commissioners  provided  for  three  larger  vessels 
during  the  year  1777.  A  frigate  was  built  at  Nantes, 
of  five  hundred  and  fifty  tons  and  designed  to  carry 
twenty-four  twelve-pounders,  eight  fours,  and  two 
sixes.  This  vessel  was  called  the  Deane,  and  when 
finished  was  commanded  by  Captain  Samuel  Nichol 
son.  While  she  was  under  construction  the  Dolphin 
was  kept  at  Paimboeuf,  according  to  information 
furnished  to  Stormont,  serving  as  a  receiving  ship, 
on  board  of  which  Nicholson  held  about  seventy 
men,  including  a  number  of  Englishmen,  ready  to 
be  transferred  to  the  Deane  when  finished ;  but  this 
was  denied  by  Sartine.  Another  vessel,  somewhat 
smaller,  was  purchased,  fitted  out  as  a  twenty-eight- 
gun  frigate,  and  called  the  Queen  of  France.  The 
commissioners  also  began  the  construction  in  Hol 
land  of  a  forty-gun  ship  called  the  Indien,  but  ow 
ing  to  international  complications  she  was  sold  to 
the  King  of  France.1 

Attempts  were  made  to  interest  other  European 
nations  in  the  American  cause  and  to  obtain  the 
privilege  of  entering  their  ports,  refitting  armed 
vessels  in  them  and  disposing  of  prizes.  Arthur 

i  Wharton,  ii,  176,  177,  230,  277,  284,  285,  433 ;  Stevens,  187, 
493,  683,  1658,  1766,  1826;  Lee  MSS.,  January  21,  1778,  May  2, 
1779. 


286    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Lee  visited  Spain  and  Prussia  with  hopes  of  secur 
ing  concessions  of  this  sort,  but  he  found  both  these 
powers  very  desirous  of  maintaining  amicable  re 
lations  with  England.  The  same  cautious  attitude 
marked  the  policy  of  Holland.  In  Spain,  however, 
owing  largely  to  the  influence  of  Gardoqui,  pow 
erful  though  unobserved,  the  Americans  found  less 
difficulty,  for  a  time  at  least,  in  refitting  their  cruis 
ers  and  disposing  of  their  prizes  than  in  France. 
The  disposition  of  Spain  is  indicated  in  a  letter, 
dated  October  17, 1777,  from  Count  Florida  Blanca, 
the  Prime  Minister,  to  the  French  ambassador  at 
Madrid,  in  which  he  says  that  a  long  duration  of 
the  American  war  would  be  "highly  useful"  to 
Spain  and  France.  "  We  should  sustain  the  Colo 
nists,  both  with  effectual  aid  in  money  and  supplies," 
and  with  "  prudent  advice  "  ;  at  the  same  time  Eng 
land  should  be  kept  pacified.1 

The  situation  of  the  United  States  from  a  naval 
point  of  view,  at  the  end  of  1777,  was  not  altogether 
encouraging.  The  bright  hopes  of  the  year  before 
were  in  large  degree  unrealized.  Of  the  thirteen 
frigates  which  were  to  dispute  the  naval  supremacy 
of  England  in  American  waters,  or  at  least  to  keep 
open  some  of  the  principal  harbors  and  bays,  only 
four,  the  Hancock,  Boston,  Raleigh,  and  Randolph 
had  yet  got  to  sea ;  and  one  of  these,  the  Hancock, 
had  been  taken  by  the  enemy.  Of  the  remaining 

1  Stevens,  1725. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777 


287 


nine,  the  Delaware,  together  with  several  smaller 
vessels,  had  been  lost  in  the  unsuccessful  defense 
of  the  Delaware  River.  Philadelphia  in  addition  to 
New  York  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
whose  occupation  of  these  two  cities  made  impossi 
ble  the  escape  of  four  other  frigates ;  in  consequence 
of  which,  two  of  these  vessels,  the  Congress  and 
Montgomery  in  the  Hudson,  had  already  been  de 
stroyed  in  October,  while  the  Washington  and  Effing- 
ham  in  the  Delaware  were  awaiting  the  same  fate. 
This  still  leaves  four,  of  which  the  Warren  and 
Providence  were  blockaded  in  Narragansett  Bay 
and  the  Virginia  in  the  Chesapeake,  while  the 
Trumbull  continued  to  lie  in  the  Connecticut  River, 
unable  to  pass  over  the  bar.  Of  the  more  important 
smaller  Continental  vessels,  the  Andrew  Doria  had 
been  destroyed  in  the  Delaware  River,  the  Cabot 
and  Lexington  had  been  captured  by  the  enemy, 
and  the  Reprisal  had  been  lost  at  sea.  The  only 
naval  vessel  captured  during  the  year,  the  frigate 
Fox,  had  been  retaken  by  the  British. 

To  offset,  though  only  partially,  these  heavy  losses, 
the  navy  had  made  a  few  acquisitions.  In  addition 
to  the  frigates  just  mentioned  and  the  vessels  pro 
cured  in  Europe,  the  Ranger  and  sloop  Surprise l 
were  in  active  service,  and  a  brigantine  called  the 
Resistance  went  into  commission  about  the  end  of 
the  year.  Of  two  of  the  three  ships  of  the  line 
authorized  by  Congress  in  1776,  something  is 

1  Not  to  be  confounded  -with  Conyngham's  lugger  Surprise. 


288    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

learned  from  information  furnished  to  Admiral 
Howe  by  a  prisoner  at  Boston,  who  says  "  that  he 
saw  the  Keel  and  Floor-Timbers  laid  for  a  74  Gun 
Ship,  building  at  North  End  in  Boston,  The  Scant 
lings  whereof  appeared  scarce  sufficient  for  a  Frig 
ate  ;  And  only  12  Men  were  at  work  upon  her.  He 
was  informed  another  Ship  of  the  same  Class  [the 
America]  was  building  at  Portsmouth  in  New 
Hampshire,  but  did  not  hear  any  further  particu 
lars  concerning  her.  By  another  person  released 
from  Portsmouth  and  arrived  about  the  same  time 
at  New  York,  this  last  Ship  is  said  to  be  covered 
in  as  high  as  the  Lower  Deck  and  proposed  to  be 
finished  in  next  May." 1  Work  on  the  Boston  sev 
enty-four  was  probably  soon  abandoned,  and  the 
third  ship  of  this  class,  which  was  to  have  been 
built  at  Philadelphia,  may  never  have  been  begun. 
Sixty-nine  letters  of  marque  were  issued  to  private 
vessels  of  war  by  the  Continental  Congress  in  1777 
and  probably  a  still  larger  number  of  privateers 
were  commissioned  by  the  individual  states  ;  and 
many  were  fitted  out  in  the  "West  Indies. 

In  1777  the  British  navy  had  in  commission  two 
hundred  and  fourteen  vessels,  besides  ships  in  ordi 
nary  and  under  repair,  the  whole  manned  by  forty- 
five  thousand  seamen  and  marines.  It  is  difficult 
to  state  the  exact  force  in  American  waters.  The 
figures  furnished  by  Admiral  Howe's  returns  and 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  488:  Intelligence  received  December 
25,  1777. 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  1777  289 

by  other  authorities  vary  slightly  and  of  course  the 
number  of  ships  was  changing  from  time  to  time. 
There  were  about  eighty  vessels  of  all  classes  on 
the  North  American  Station  in  1777.  About  half 
the  fleet  consisted  of  frigates  and  rather  less  than 
a  quarter  of  ships  mounting  sixty-four,  fifty  or  forty- 
four  guns,  the  rest  being  sloops  of  war  and  smaller 
vessels.  There  was  also  a  squadron  at  Newfound 
land  and  a  fleet  of  nearly  twenty  in  the  West  In 
dies.  Altogether,  therefore,  more  than  a  hundred 
vessels  were  stationed  in  American  waters.  Many 
privateers  were  sent  out  of  New  York.1 

Although  the  Americans  inflicted  so  little  injury 
upon  the  British  navy,  the  activity  of  some  of 
the  smaller  Continental  cruisers  and  of  the  state 
navies  and  numerous  privateers  had  dealt  a  heavy 
blow  at  English  commerce.  Four  hundred  and  sixty- 
four  vessels  were  taken  from  the  British  during  the 
year  1777,  of  which  seventy-two  were  recaptured, 
twelve  destroyed,  and  nine  released.2  The  Conti 
nental  navy  alone  made  over  sixty  captures  of 
merchantmen.3  The  British  may  have  made  about 
as  many  captures  as  the  Americans,  but  doubtless  a 
large  proportion  of  their  prizes  were  small  coasting 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  487,  January  15,  No.  4,  June  8,  1777, 
No.  30:  Disposition  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  and  Vessels  in  North 
America ;  Schomberg,  i,  436,  iv,  324-331 ;  Beatson,  iv,  291. 

2  Almon,  v,  76,  108,  405,  513,  vi,  39 ;  Clark,  i,  62,  ii,  169.  These 
lists  are  doubtless  inaccurate  and  incomplete. 

8  Neeser,  ii,  286. 


290    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

vessels  of  little  value.1  It  is  impossible  from  avail 
able  data  to  make  a  correct  statement  of  actual  or 
comparative  losses  by  capture. 

1  Almon,  v,  168,  231 ;  London  Chronicle,  July  15,  1777 ;  Annual 
Register,  xxi  (1778),  36.  The  lists  cover  only  a  part  of  the  year. 
See  table  of  captures  in  Clowes,  iii,  396,  evidently  based  on  incom 
plete  data. 


CHAPTER  IX 

NAVAL   OPERATIONS   IN  1778 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  reverses  of  the  Americans 
on  land  and  sea  during  the  previous  year,  it  is  evi 
dent  that  the  British,  about  the  beginning  of  1778, 
were  finding  the  subjugation  of  their  revolted  colo 
nies  a  serious  undertaking,  and  were  apprehending 
a  still  more  stubborn  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
rebels  encouraged  by  their  one  notable  success  at 
Saratoga.  The  French  alliance  with  the  United 
States,  which  soon  followed,  must  have  increased 
this  feeling  and  have  emphasized  the  need  of  ener 
getic  measures.  A  little  later  Lord  George  Ger 
main,  the  British  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies, 
sent  to  General  Clinton,  who  had  succeeded  Howe, 
these  secret  instructions,  dated  March  8, 1778:  "If 
you  shall  find  it  impracticable  to  bring  Mr.  Wash 
ington  to  a  general  &  decisive  Action  early  in  the 
Campaign,  you  will  relinquish  the  Idea  of  carrying 
on  offensive  Operations  within  Land  &  as  soon  as 
the  Season  will  permit,  embark  such  a  Body  of 
Troops  as  can  be  spared  from  the  Defence  of  the 
Posts  you  may  think  necessary  to  maintain,  on  Board 
of  Transports  under  the  Conduct  of  a  proper  Num 
ber  of  the  King's  Ships,  with  Orders  to  attack  the 
ports  on  the  Coast  from  New  York  to  Nova  Scotia," 


292    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

and  to  destroy  all  ships  and  other  property  along 
shore  wherever  practicable,  "so  as  to  incapacitate 
the  Rebels  from  raising  a  Marine  or  continuing 
their  Depredations  upon  the  Trade  of  this  King 
dom."  Two  armaments  were  recommended,  one  from 
New  York,  the  other  from  Halifax,  to  attack  Con 
necticut  and  New  Hampshire  and  then  unite  against 
Boston.1  The  services  of  the  army  seem  to  have 
been  required  on  land,  and  the  commerce  and  pri 
vateering  of  New  England  were  spared  the  annihi 
lation  which  a  rigorous  prosecution  of  this  plan 
must  have  entailed.  The  project  plainly  indicates 
a  keen  appreciation  on  the  part  of  the  British  min 
istry  of  the  telling  effect  upon  their  commercial  in 
terests  of  American  privateering.  About  the  mid 
dle  of  March,  as  soon  as  the  British  government 
had  been  officially  notified  of  the  treaty  of  alliance, 
Lord  Stormont  was  recalled  from  Paris  and  war 
with  France  became  inevitable,  although  it  was  de 
layed  a  few  months  and  then  began  without  formal 
declaration.  Orders  were  sent  to  the  British  army 
to  evacuate  Philadelphia  and  fall  back  on  New  York. 
Meanwhile  the  Americans  were  striving  to  make 
the  most  of  their  slender  resources  upon  the  sea. 
Another  expedition  to  New  Providence  was  under 
taken  early  in  1778,  this  time  by  a  single  ship,  the 
sloop  Providence,  which  had  visited  the  place  two 
years  earlier  as  one  of  Commodore  Hopkins's 

1  Stevens,  396,  1062;   Stapford-Sackville  MS8.,  96;  Sparks's 
Washington,  v,  549. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  293 

squadron.  The  Providence  was  now  commanded  by 
Captain  John  P.  Rathburne  and  carried  a  crew  of 
about  fifty  men.  About  the  middle  of  January  she 
sailed  from  Georgetown,  South  Carolina,  where  she 
had  put  in  early  in  the  winter.  The  next  morning 
after  getting  to  sea,  says  Lieutenant  Trevett,  "  at 
daylight  saw  a  sail  to  the  eastward  and  then  saw 
two  more ;  they  proved  to  be  British,  a  ship,  brig 
and  sloop.  They  gave  chase  and  the  ship  gained  on 
us  fast ;  by  two  P.M.  we  could  see  her  tier  of  guns. 
Night  coming  on  and  very  dark,  we  took  in  all  sail 
and  put  out  our  lights  and  in  a  few  hours,  being 
lighter,  we  could  see  her  and  she  passed  us  and 
when  she  was  out  of  sight  we  altered  our  course 
and  in  the  morning  could  not  discover  a  single  sail. 
We  had  hove  over  so  much  of  our  wood,  water,  &c., 
in  order  to  lighten  ship,  that  we  concluded  to  make 
all  sail  for  Abaco.  We  had  a  short  passage,  came 
to  anchor  and  went  to  work  making  a  scaling  lad 
der.  In  two  days  after,  we  stood  over  to  New 
Providence,  having  sent  down  our  topmast  and  top 
sail  yard  and  housed  our  guns  ;  we  also  kept  all  our 
men  out  of  sight.  About  midnight  we  got  abreast 
of  the  harbor  with  a  light  air  of  wind  off  the  land."  A 
force  of  twenty-eight  men  under  Trevett's  command 
was  sent  ashore.  "  We  took  nothing  with  us  to  eat 
or  drink,  but  filled  our  pockets  with  ball  cartridges. 
We  landed  about  a  mile  from  the  Fort  and  got  our 
scaling  ladder  and  all  things  ready."  The  sentinels 
having  been  taken  by  surprise,  the  landing  party 


294    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

soon  had  possession  of  Fort  Nassau.  Several  guns 
were  found  loaded,  with  matches  burning  by  them. 
Two  British  ships  were  in  the  harbor.  "  We  em 
ployed  the  remainder  of  the  night  in  placing  some 
of  the  heavy  pieces  of  cannon  to  point  on  the  dif 
ferent  streets  of  the  town  and  on  the  ships.  When 
daylight  appeared  we  set  our  thirteen  stripes  flying 
at  the  fort."1  Upon  requisition  a  breakfast  was 
provided  for  the  party  and  an  officer  and  two  men 
were  sent  to  take  possession  of  Fort  Montague  at 
the  eastern  end  of  the  town,  four  miles  distant. 
This  was  accomplished  and  the  guns  were  spiked. 
A  midshipman  and  four  men  were  then  sent  in  a 
boat,  seized  for  the  purpose,  to  one  of  the  English 
vessels,  a  sixteen-gun  ship,  and  to  this  small  force 
the  officer  in  command,  seeing  the  American  flag 
on  the  fort  and  the  guns  pointing  at  him,  surren 
dered  with  his  crew  of  forty-five.  Five  other  ves 
sels  in  the  harbor,  prizes  brought  in  by  the  British, 
were  recaptured.  The  report  had  been  concocted 
for  the  occasion  and  disseminated  among  the  in 
habitants  that  the  Providence  was  merely  one  of  an 
American  fleet  at  Abaco,  and  the  number  landed 
was  also  greatly  exaggerated ;  this  made  easier  the 
exploits  of  the  very  small  detachments  sent  out  by 
Trevett.  An  armed  force  of  about  two  hundred  of 
the  inhabitants  collected  with  the  purpose  of  at 
tacking  the  fort,  but  they  were  induced  to  desist 
by  the  threat  of  the  Americans  to  burn  the  town, 
i  B.  I.  Hist.  Mag.,  July,  1886. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  295 

A  British  sloop  of  war  appeared  off  the  harbor,  but 
being  warned  away  by  signals  and  fired  upon  by 
the  fort,  she  stood  out  again  to  sea,  remaining  in 
the  offing.  On  the  morning  of  January  30  the 
prizes  were  manned  and  the  expedition  sailed  away, 
taking  off  thirty  Americans  released  from  prison 
and  valuable  military  stores,  including  sixteen  hun 
dred  pounds  of  powder.  In  this  affair  no  blood  was 
shed  and  no  private  property  on  the  island  was  dis 
turbed.  Two  of  the  prizes,  being  of  little  value, 
were  burned ;  the  others  were  sent  into  port.  The 
ships  sailed  north  and  soon  became  separated. 
Having  joined  company  again,  the  Providence  and 
the  armed  prize  ship  went  into  New  Bedford  to 
gether  early  in  March.1 

The  frigate  Randolph,  after  a  very  short  stay  in 
France,  returned  to  America  about  the  first  of  the 
year,  apparently  sailing  directly  for  South  Carolina, 
whence  she  had  so  recently  come.  A  squadron  was 
organized  at  Charleston,  with  Captain  Biddle  in 
command,  composed  of  the  Randolph  and  four  ves 
sels  of  the  South  Carolina  navy,  three  of  them  be 
ing  privateers  taken  temporarily  into  the  state  ser 
vice.  These  four  vessels  were  the  ship  General 
Moultrie,  18,  and  the  brigs  Notre  Dame,  16,  Polly, 

16,  and  Fair  American,  14.   One  hundred  and  fifty 
South  Carolina  troops  served  on  the  squadron  as 

1  B.  I.  Hist.  Mag.,  July,  October,  1886;  Clark,  i,  74;  Almon, 
vi,  99 ;  Boston  Gazette,  March  9,  1778 ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  44,  10, 

17,  21,  23  (January  29,  February  21,  May  11,  1778) ;  Mar.  Com. 
Letter  Book,  143  (April  22,  1778). 


296    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

marines.  According  to  the  statements  of  British 
prisoners  in  Charleston  the  Eandolph  carried  twenty- 
six  twelve-pounders,  six  six-pounders,  four  coehorns 
in  each  top,  and  upwards  of  three  hundred  men, 
one  third  of  them  tolerable  seamen ;  the  General 
Moultrie  carried  twelve  short  and  six  long  six- 
pounders,  and  eighty  men ;  the  Notre  Dame,  six 
teen  sixes  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  men ;  the  Fair 
American,  twenty  guns  and  a  hundred  and  twenty 
men.1  This  armament  put  to  sea  February  12, 1778, 
in  search  of  a  number  of  British  vessels  that  had 
been  cruising  along  the  coast,  but  it  was  soon  found 
that  the  enemy  had  departed.  The  squadron  then 
sailed  for  the  West  Indies  and  cruised  several  days 
to  the  eastward  of  Barbadoes,  taking  one  small 
schooner.  On  the  7th  of  March,  in  the  afternoon, 
the  Randolph,  in  company  with  her  consorts  and 
prize,  sighted  a  large  man-of-war  to  windward, 
which  turned  out  to  be  the  British  sixty -four-gun 
ship  Yarmouth.  This  vessel  came  down  before  the 
wind  and  when  within  hail,  about  eight  P.M.,  was 
first  discovered  to  be  a  two-decker.  The  Randolph 
in  reply  to  her  hail  hoisted  her  colors  and  gave  the 
Yarmouth  a  broadside.  Early  in  the  engagement 
Captain  Biddle  was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  but 
continued  in  command,  seated  in  a  chair  on  deck. 
The  General  Moultrie  took  part  in  the  action,  but 
being  to  leeward  and  near  the  Randolph,  fired  into 

1  Brit.  Adm.Rec.,  A.D.  488,  February  13,  1778;  Stevens,  811; 
Paullin,  430. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  297 

her  by  mistake,  and  it  was  thought  possible  that 
Biddle  was  wounded  by  one  of  her  shot.  The  other 
vessels  were  not  engaged.  The  Randoph's  fire  was 
rapid  and  accurate.  According  to  a  letter  of  Cap 
tain  Hall  of  the  Notre  Dame,  she  handled  the  Yar 
mouth  "  so  roughly  for  12  or  15  minutes  that  the 
British  ship  must  shortly  have  struck,  having  lost 
her  bowsprit  and  topmasts  and  being  otherwise 
greatly  shattered,  while  the  Randolph  had  suffered 
very  little ;  but  in  this  moment  of  glory,  as  the  Ran 
dolph  was  wearing  to  get  on  her  quarter,  she  unfor 
tunately  blew  up."  l  Captain  Vincent  of  the  Yar 
mouth  reported  March  17  to  Admiral  Young,  at 
Barbadoes,  that  "  on  the  7th  instant  at  half  past 
five  P.M.  discovered  six  sail  in  the  S.W.  quarter,  on 
a  wind  standing  to  the  northward;  two  of  them 
ships,  three  brigs  and  a  schooner.  We  were  then 
50  leagues  due  east  of  this  island.  We  immediately 
bore  down  upon  them  and  about  nine  got  close  to 
the  weather  quarter  of  the  largest  and  headmost 
ship.  They  had  no  colours  hoisted  and  as  ours  were 
then  up,  I  hailed  her  to  hoist  hers  or  I  would  fire 
into  her;  on  which  she  hoisted  American  and  im 
mediately  gave  us  her  broadside,  which  we  returned, 
and  in  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  she  blew  up.  It 
was  fortunate  for  us  that  we  were  to  windward  of 
her ;  as  it  was,  our  ship  was  in  a  manner  covered 
with  parts  of  her.  A  great  piece  of  a  top  timber, 
six  feet  long,  fell  on  our  poop  ;  another  large  piece 
1  Independent  Chronicle,  August  13,  1778. 


298    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

of  timber  stuck  in  our  fore  top-gallant  sail,  then 
upon  the  cap.  An  American  ensign,  rolled  up,  blown 
in  upon  the  forecastle,  not  so  much  as  singed.  Im 
mediately  on  her  blowing  up,  the  other  four  dis 
persed  different  ways.  We  chased  a  little  while  two 
that  stood  to  the  southward  and  afterwards  another 
that  bore  away  right  before  the  wind,  but  they  were 
soon  out  of  sight,  our  sails  being  torn  all  to  pieces 
in  a  most  surprising  manner.  We  had  five  men 
killed  and  twelve  wounded.  But  what  I  am  now  go 
ing  to  mention  is  something  very  remarkable.  The 
12th  following,  being  then  in  chase  of  a  ship  steer 
ing  west,  we  discovered  a  piece  of  wreck  with  four 
men  on  it  waving;  we  hauled  up  to  it,  got  a  boat 
out,  and  brought  them  on  board.  They  proved  to 
be  four  men  who  had  been  in  the  ship  which  blew 
up  and  who  had  nothing  to  subsist  on  from  that 
time  but  by  sucking  the  rain  water  that  fell  on  a 
piece  of  blanket  which  they  luckily  had  picked  up." 1 
The  rest  of  the  squadron  with  the  prize  arrived 
safely  in  port.  The  loss  of  another  frigate  was  a 
severe  blow  to  the  Continental  navy  and  to  the 
country,  but  the  loss  of  Captain  Biddle  was  far 
more  serious.  While  only  in  his  twenty-eighth  year, 
he  had  given  strong  indications  of  ability  as  a  sea 
man  and  officer,  and  of  character  as  a  man.  Hav 
ing  served  as  a  midshipman  in  the  British  navy  in 

1  London  Chronicle,  May  26,  1778  ;  Almon,  vi,  143  ;  Brit.  Adm. 
Rec.,  Captains'  Logs,  No.  1091  (log  of  the  Yarmouth) ;  Port  Folio, 
October,  1809.  • 


NICHOLAS  BIDDLE 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  299 

his  youth,  he  had  the  military  and  naval  training 
which  was  lacking  in  nearly  all  the  American  sea 
men  of  that  period.  With  the  exception  of  John 
Paul  Jones,  it  is  probable  that  Biddle  had  no  su 
perior  in  the  service.  If  four  men  as  good  as  these 
two  and  Wickes  and  Conyngham  had  been  given 
constant  employment  throughout  the  war  in  ships 
like  the  Randolph  or  Hancock,  perhaps  the  history 
of  the  Continental  navy  might  have  been  different. 
The  frigates  Raleigh  and  Alfred,  having  made  the 
voyage  to  France  together  in  the  fall  of  1777,  set 
sail  in  company  December  29,  homeward  bound. 
When  it  had  become  evident  to  the  American  Com 
missioners  at  Paris  that  the  times  were  not  propitious 
for  the  cruising  of  Continental  ships  in  European 
waters,  they  had  addressed  a  letter  of  advice,  dated 
November  25,  1777,  to  Captain  Thompson  of  the 
Raleigh,  suggesting  a  circuitous  passage  back  to 
America.  "  As  it  is  by  no  means  safe  to  return  into 
the  ports  of  France,  you  will  calculate  your  stores 
so  as  to  have  a  sufficiency  for  your  cruise,  which 
we  cannot  indeed  be  particular  in  the  direction  of. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  one  or  more  of  the  In 
dia  ships  returning  may  be  intercepted,  that  part 
of  the  West  India  homeward-bound  ships  may  be 
expected  about  this  time,  as  well  as  transports  re 
turning  from  New  York  and  elsewhere  in  America, 
and  that  by  cruising  in  the  proper  latitudes  you  may 
meet  with  them;  that  the  British  factories  and 
commerce  on  the  African  coast  at  this  time  lie 


300    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

without  any  force  sufficient  to  protect  them,  and 
that  by  running  along  that  coast  you  may  greatly 
annoy  and  distress  the  enemy  in  that  quarter  and 
afterwards  go  for  the  West  Indies.  As  you  and 
Captain  Hinman  have  already  considered  these  sev 
eral  plans  for  a  cruise,  we  leave  with  you  to  deter 
mine  which  to  prefer  and  the  manner  in  prosecuting 
either,  or  any  other  that  may  appear  more  likely  to 
answer  the  design  of  your  commission.  We  are 
happy  in  observing  the  harmony  and  confidence 
which  subsists  between  you  and  Captain  Hinman 
and  hope  the  same  prevails  between  your  officers 
and  men,  which  we  are  certain  you  will  cultivate 
through  the  whole  of  your  expedition,  in  which  we 
recommend  to  you  to  avoid  giving  any  offense 
to  the  flags  of  neutral  powers  and  to  show  them 
proper  marks  of  respect  and  friendship.  .  .  . 
Whenever  you  judge  it  prudent  to  dismiss  pris 
oners  subjects  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  we  ad 
vise  you  to  take  from  them  in  writing  an  acknow 
ledgment  of  their  having  been  your  prisoners, 
their  quality,  place  of  residence,  and  that  they 
are  dismissed  by  you  in  confidence  that  an  equal 
number  of  the  subjects  of  the  thirteen  United 
States  of  the  same  rank,  that  now  are  or  may  here 
after  be  prisoners  to  his  said  Britannic  Majesty, 
will  be  set  at  liberty.  You  are  also  to  deliver  a  copy 
of  such  writing  to  the  prisoners,  enjoining  them  to 
deliver  the  same  on  their  arrival  in  Britain  to  the 
lords  of  the  British  admiralty,  and  by  the  first  op- 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  301 

portunity  enclose  a  duplicate  to  the  committee  or 
board  of  marine  in  Boston  and  another  to  us,  with 
an  account  of  your  proceedings." 1  The  commission 
ers'  hopes  in  regard  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners 
were  doomed  to  disappointment. 

The  Raleigh  and  Alfred  sailed  for  the  West  In 
dies  by  way  of  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  captured  a 
British  vessel  off  Senegal.  By  March  9, 1778,  accord 
ing  to  Captain  Thompson's  report,  they  had  reached 
latitude  16°  31'  north,  longitude  55°  40'  west,  and 
at  six  A.M.  two  sail  to  the  west  northwest  were 
seen  from  the  Raleigh.  At  half -past  seven  she  hove 
to  for  the  Alfred;  the  strange  ships  were  then 
standing  to  the  north,  close-hauled.  Captain  Thomp 
son  directed  Captain  Hinman  to  run  down  and  ob 
serve  the  sternmost  ship.  At  ten  o'clock,  being 
within  five  or  six  miles,  it  was  plainly  seen  that  the 
strangers  were  armed.  The  Raleigh  and  Alfred 
then  hauled  on  the  wind  on  the  same  tack  with 
the  other  ships,  which  were  to  leeward.  Thompson 
thought  that  this  manoeuvre  would  give  him  more 
time  to  discover  their  force  and  rate  of  sailing. 
The  strange  ships  then  tacked,  "  trying  to  work  up 
and  get  our  wakes."  The  Raleigh  sailed  as  well  as 
they,  while  the  Alfred  fell  off  to  leeward  and  astern. 
"  As  the  weathermost  ship  pass'd  under  the  Alfred's 
lee,  standing  to  the  Southward  on  the  third  tack, 
Capt.  Hinman  hoisted  his  colours  and  fired  several 

1  Wharton,  ii,  428 ;  Lee  MS8.t  November  25, 1777 ;  Independent 
Chronicle,  April  9,  1778. 


302    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

shot,  which  were  returned  under  English  colours. 
They  were  then  two  miles  apart  and  the  other  ship 
four  miles  to  leeward  of  her  consort ;  the  Alfred 
was  about  three  miles  astern  of  us."  The  Raleigh 
was  about  to  tack  and  stand  towards  the  Alfred,  so 
as  to  attack  the  weathermost  ship  in  company  with 
her,  before  the  other  could  get  up ;  but  just  then, 
half-past  twelve,  the  Alfred  stood  off  before  the 
wind,  which  was  light  from  the  east  northeast,  and 
set  all  her  light  sails  in  the  effort  to  escape.  The 
Raleigh  had  an  equal  chance  to  attack  one  or  to 
escape  from  both  ships,  but  "  the  Alfred  was  neither 
able  to  engage  one  nor  to  escape  by  sailing."  Thomp 
son  regretted  that  the  Alfred  attempted  to  escape, 
as  it  was  evident  that  the  leeward  ship,  then  bear 
ing  southwest,  would  cut  her  off  before  she  could 
pass  her  or  the  Raleigh  give  assistance.  The  Ra 
leigh  did  not  go  about,  but  hauled  up  her  courses, 
thinking  the  windward  ship  would  stand  for  her; 
but  "  they  both  made  towards  the  Alfred.  I  then 
ordered  the  master  to  veer  and  make  sail  towards 
the  Alfred  and  run  between  her  and  the  other  ship, 
to  take  off  her  fire  and  give  the  Alfred  an  oppor 
tunity  to  escape."  The  Alfred  at  first  seemed  to 
gain  on  the  British,  "  but  in  a  few  minutes  the  two 
got  up  and  began  a  furious  fire,  which  was  returned 
by  the  Alfred  as  fast  as  they  could.  Just  as  we 
had  got  studdingsails  hoisted  we  had  the  mortifica 
tion  to  see  the  Alfred  haul  down  her  colours.  It 
was  then  one  o'clock;  the  firing  lasted  about  ten 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  303 

minutes.  We  were  then  within  three  miles  of  the 
ships."  There  was  nothing  then  left  for  the  Ra 
leigh,  in  the  captain's  opinion,  but  to  escape  from  a 
superior  force,  and  she  hauled  to  the  north.  The 
sea  being  smooth  the  British  soon  finished  taking 
possession  of  the  Alfred  and  began  to  chase  the 
Raleigh,  and  gained  on  her.  When  night  came 
she  edged  away  and  set  all  her  light  sails.  The 
British  chased  all  night  by  a  bright  moon.  At  day 
light  they  were  four  or  five  miles  away  and  at  seven 
o'clock  seemed  to  be  gaining.  The  Raleigh,  by 
throwing  overboard  all  she  could  spare  and  starting 
her  water,  was  lightened  about  thirty-five  tons  and 
began  to  gain.  At  ten  o'clock  the  British  gave  up 
the  chase,  after  nineteen  hours.  One  of  them  sailed 
faster  than  the  other,  but  would  not  come  up  alone, 
often  heaving  to  and  waiting  for  her  consort.1 

These  British  ships  were  the  Ariadne,  20,  and 
the  Ceres,  16.  Captain  Pringle  of  the  Ariadne  re 
ported  to  Admiral  Young  :  "  The  two  strangers  at 
first  shewed  a  disposition  to  attack  us,  but  in  con 
sequence  of  the  King's  ships  having  brought  the 
stern-most  to  close  action  about  noon,  the  other 
made  off.  The  ship  in  action,  after  having  given  to 
and  received  from  the  Ariadne  and  Ceres  some 
broadsides,  struck ;  and  proved  to  be  the  rebel  ship 
Alfred,  of  20  nine-pounders  and  180  men.  Her  con 
sort  was  the  Raleigh  of  32  guns."  2 

1  Continental  Journal,  April  30,  1778. 

2  London  Chronicle,  May  26,  1778 ;  Almon,  vi,  144 ;  Brit .  Adm. 
Rec.,  Captains'  Logs,  No.  4141  (log  of  the  Ceres). 


304    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  Raleigh  arrived  at  Portsmouth  early  in 
April.  Captain  Thompson's  report  no  doubt  put  his 
conduct  in  the  most  favorable  light,  but  did  not  save 
him  from  severe  censure.  By  proper  management 
it  was  believed  that  not  only  should  the  Alfred  have 
been  saved  from  capture,  but  both  the  British  ves 
sels,  so  inferior  in  force,  should  have  been  taken. 
Captain  Hinman's  judgment  might  reasonably  be 
questioned  on  two  points :  first,  his  running  off  to 
leeward  in  a  vain  attempt  to  escape,  thereby  re 
moving  himself  from  the  support  of  the  Raleigh ; 
second,  his  surrender  after  such  a  very  brief  resist 
ance,  while  there  was  a  chance  of  the  Raleigh's 
coming  to  the  rescue.  As  to  the  subsequent  con 
duct  of  the  Raleigh,  it  is  not  inspiring  to  think  of 
her  precipitate  flight  from  two  small  ships  mount 
ing  about  the  same  number  of  guns  that  she  did 
and  probably  lighter  ones.  Captain  Thompson  was 
doubtless  a  good  seaman,  not  lacking  in  physical 
courage,  and  zealous  in  the  cause ;  but  without 
military  sense  and  unequal  to  the  responsibilities 
of  the  situation. 

Early  in  March  the  Frigate  Warren,  Captain 
John  B.  Hopkins,  blockaded  in  the  Providence 
River,  escaped  through  the  British  fleet  in  Nar- 
ragansett  Bay.  John  Deshon,  of  the  Eastern  Navy 
Board,  wrote  to  the  other  members  of  the  board, 
March  9:  "Respecting  the  Ship  Warren  I  am 
happy  She  so  well  Succeeded  in  geting  out  of  this 
river.  Every  Circumstance  Combined  in  her  Favour 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  305 

that  She  might  Clear  of  the  Enemy;  the  night  was 
Exceeding  Dark,  and  there  was  but  little  wind 
untill  the  Crittecal  time  of  Passing  the  Greatest 
Danger,  when  the  wind  Shifted  very  Suddenly  into 
the  N.W.  and  blowd  Exceeding  hard,  so  that  the 
Enemy  Could  not  without  the  Greatest  Difficulty 
Get  under  Sail  and  Persue.  I  was  at  Wai-rick  Neck 
and  up  the  Most  part  of  the  Night  when  the  War 
ren  Passed  and  am  Very  Sure  it  was  Imposable  for 
Captn  Hopkins  to  gain  the  Port  of  N.  London, 
there  being  So  much  wind  and  the  weather  so  Se 
vere  Cold.  There  [were]  on  board  the  Warren  abt 
170  men,  manny  of  which  had  not  a  Second  Shift 
of  Cloaths,  therefore  it  will  be  Very  Difficult  as 
well  as  Teadius  for  Captn  Hopkins  to  beat  this 
Courst  at  this  Severe  Season ;  the  Orders  Given 
him  by  me  you  have  with  you,  which  Gives  him  not 
the  least  Encouragement  to  Cruise.  Nevertheless 
Should  the  Ship  Keep  out  this  three  weeks,  I  Shall 
not  be  in  the  least  uneasy  abt  her ;  well  Knowin 
the  men  in  no  Condission  to  Beat  a  Winters  Courst, 
we  have  Succeeded  beyound  Expectation  in  Geting 
her  out  and  I  have  not  the  least  Doubt  but  She 
will  in  due  time  Return  with  honor  to  the  Com 
mander  and  his  Compy."  After  a  short  cruise  the 
Warren  put  into  Boston,  March  23.  Two  days  later 
William  Vernon  wrote  from  Providence :  "  This 
moment  several  of  the  Ship  Warrens  Men  came  to 
Town  from  Boston,  who  inform  me  they  Arrived 
There  last  Monday ;  and  in  passing  the  Enemys 


306    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Ships  in  this  Kiver  .  .  .  they  sustained  some 
damage,  their  Mizen  Yard  shot  away,  Main  yard 
wounded,  several  shot  passed  through  their  Hull, 
one  Man  only  sleightly  wounded.  The  Wind  blow 
ing  and  continueing  fresh  at  N. W.,  the  Crew  badly 
Clothed  and  Weather  extreem  Cold,  were  under 
the  Necessity  of  standing  to  the  Southward  in 
warmer  Weather  under  easie  sail  far  as  the  Latt. 
24°,  where  they  fell  in  with  the  Ship  Neptune, 
Capt.  Smallwood,  from  Whitehaven  bound  to 
Phila.,  Loaded  with  Salt  and  dry  Goods."  This 
ship  and  another  prize  were  taken  and  the  Warren 
then  sailed  for  Boston.  The  Columbus  also  tried 
to  escape  from  Narragansett  Bay,  but  was  chased 
ashore  on  Point  Judith  and  burned.1 

The  next  vessel  to  attempt  the  perilous  feat  of 
blockade-running  was  the  frigate  Providence,  and 
she  succeeded.  William  Vernon  wrote  to  John 
Adams :  "  The  30th  of  April  we  sent  down  the 
Providence,  Capt.  Whipple,  having  on  board  about 
170  men,  who  was  ordered  to  the  first  Port  in 
France  he  cou'd  make,  to  be  under  the  direction  of 
the  Commissioners,  where  we  hope  she  is  safe  Ar 
rived.  No  dispatches  was  sent  by  this  ship,  as  she 
was  to  pass  a  dangerous  passage ;  however,  in  a 
brisk  Wind  &  dark  Night  she  got  out  safe,  receive- 
ing  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Lark,  wch  was  the  upper- 

1  Publ  B.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  214  (March  9,  1778),  215,  229 
(March  25,  1778),  230,  231,  233 ;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  488,  Nos. 
55,  57,  March  16,  April  23,  1778 ;  Continental  Journal,  March  26, 
1778 ;  Independent  Chronicle,  April  9,  16,  1778. 


^"~ 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  307 

most  ship,  who's  Fires  he  returned  with  Spirit  & 
good  effect,  Kill'd  a  Number  &  Wounded  many 
Men,  much  disabled  the  Ship  ;  the  lower-most  Ship 
by  this  alarm  was  prepared  to  receive  the  Provi 
dence,  who  was  obliged  to  pass  her  very  near,  gave 
her  their  Fire,  that  was  returned  with  good  suc 
cess."1  Having  reached  the  open  sea,  the  Provi 
dence  sailed  for  France.  The  frigate  Trumbull, 
unable  to  pass  over  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut  River,  remained  in  the  river  during 
the  whole  year.  William  Vernon  wrote,  March  25, 
1778,  that  "she  must  be  intirely  stript  of  her 
Yards  and  Top  Mast  and  all  her  Story,  even  to  a 
Swept  Hole,  that  if  possible  to  bring  her  to  9  or  10 
feet  Water."  2 

The  frigate  Virginia,  Captain  James  Nicholson, 
which  hacfbeen  repeatedly  ordered  to  sea,3  and  had 
been  waiting  nearly  a  year  for  a  chance  to  run  the 
blockade  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  finally  got  away  from 
Annapolis,  Maryland,  March  30,  in  company  with 
a  brig  which  had  on  board  a  pilot  in  whom  Nich 
olson  had  confidence.  At  three  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  however,  the  frigate  ran  on  a  shoal.  She 
was  forced  over,  but  lost  her  rudder  and  was  there- 
ujKm  anchored,  leaking  badly.  At  daylight  two 
British  men-of-war  were  discovered,  one  of  them 
only  two  gun-shots  distant.  Nicholson  and  nine 

1  Adams  MSS.,  May  20,  1778. 

2  Publ  B.  I.  Hist.  8oc.,  viii,  212,  214,  229,  230,  231,  232  ;  Mar. 
Com.  Letter  Book,  136,  147,  148  (April  6,  May  8,  9,  1778). 

8  See  above,  p.  199. 


308    NAVAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

men,  with  the  ship's  papers,  went  ashore  in  a  boat 
and  the  Virginia  was  then  surrendered  to  the  enemy. 
Nicholson  afterwards  went  aboard  one  of  the  Brit 
ish  vessels  in  order  to  parole  his  officers.  He  was 
not  court-martialed  for  the  loss  of  his  ship,  but 
Congress  instituted  an  inquiry  and  acquitted  him 
of  blame.1 

Captains  John  Barry  and  Thomas  Head  had  in 
1776  been  appointed  to  command  the  frigates 
Effingham  and  Washington,  which  since  the  occu 
pation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British  had  been 
bottled  up  in  the  Delaware  Kiver  above  the  city. 
The  officers  and  men,  therefore,  unable  to  get  to 
sea,  had  been  employed  on  shore  and  on  the  river 
in  cooperation  with  the  army  and  in  the  defense  of 
Delaware  Bay  in  the  fall  of  1777.  January  29, 
1778,  Barry  was  ordered  by  the  Marine  Committee 
to  command  a  boat  expedition  down  the  river  and 
bay,  for  the  purpose  of  annoying  the  enemy,  cap 
turing  or  destroying  their  transports  if  possible, 
and  cutting  off  their  supplies  and  diverting  them 
to  the  use  of  the  Continental  army,  then  in  des 
perate  straits  at  Valley  Forge.  Owing  to  a  quarrel 
between  Barry  and  the  Navy  Board  of  the  Middle 
District,  his  selection  for  this  duty  was  opposed, 
but  finally,  after  nearly  a  month's  delay,  the  mat 
ter  was  arranged.  Towards  the  end  of  February, 

1  Perm.  Packet,  April  15,  1778 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  124, 
129,  138,  150  (January  28,  March  4,  April  8,  May  16,  1778); 
Barney,  65,  66. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  309 

Barry,  having  manned  four  of  the  frigates'  boats, 
it  is  said  with  only  twenty-seven  men,  ran  down 
the  river  and  past  the  city  at  night;  below  he  was 
joined  by  five  other  boats,  half-manned.  He  then 
occupied  himself  with  destroying  everything  along 
the  banks  of  the  river  that  could  be  of  use  to  the 
enemy  and  that  could  not  be  conveyed  to  the  Ameri 
can  army.  On  March  7,  while  at  Port  Penn  on  the 
Delaware  shore  of  the  bay,  he  captured  two  ships, 
one  of  them  armed  with  six  four-pounders,  and  a 
schooner  "  mounting  Eight  double  fortified  four 
Pounders  &  Twelve  four  Pound"  howitzers;  the 
schooner  was  acting  as  convoy.  The  ships  were 
transports,  each  with  a  crew  of  fourteen  men,  bring 
ing  forage  and  supplies  from  Rhode  Island  to  the 
British  army  in  Philadelphia;  the  schooner  was 
manned  by  a  crew  of  thirty-three.  A  day  or  two 
later  a  number  of  British  vessels  came  up  the  bay 
and  Barry  was  obliged  to  burn  the  transports  to 
prevent  recapture.  He  attempted  to  take  the 
schooner  into  Christiana  Creek,  but  being  hard- 
pressed  was  compelled  to  run  her  ashore  and  scut 
tle  her.  The  Marine  Committee  had  hoped  to  take 
her  into  the  naval  service,  and  had  given  orders  for 
her  equipment  and  employment  as  a  lookout  vessel 
off  the  capes.  Most  of  the  cargoes  of  all  the  vessels 
were  saved  and  were  purchased  for  the  army,  yield 
ing  a  good  amount  of  prize  money.  Barry  reported 
his  exploit  to  General  Washington  and  received  a 
congratulatory  letter  in  reply.  He  continued  to 


310    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

harass  the  enemy  on  the  river  for  another  month. 
In  addition  to  the  frigates  Washington  and  Ef- 
fingham,  a  large  number  of  smaller  vessels,  including 
several  galleys  of  the  Pennsylvania  navy,  were 
blockaded  in  the  Delaware  River  above  Philadel 
phia.  It  had  long  been  feared  that  the  British 
would  come  up  the  river  and  capture  or  destroy 
these  vessels,  and  General  Washington  advised 
that  they  be  stripped  and  sunk.  The  two  frigates 
had  already  been  sunk  and  raised  again  and  a 
number  of  the  smaller  vessels  were  prepared  for 
sinking  at  short  notice.  On  May  7  the  expected 
British  expedition,  of  seven  hundred  men,  came 
up  the  river,  and  apparently  only  a  part  of  the 
galleys  were  sunk  in  time  to  be  saved.  The  British 
force,  under  Captain  Henry,  came  up  in  a  brig,  a 
schooner,  four  galleys,  four  gun-boats,  and  eight 
een  flatboats  carrying  the  soldiers  of  the  party. 
Captain  Henry  says  in  his  report :  "  At  noon  we 
were  abreast  of  White-hill,  where  the  gallies,  armed 
vessels  and  gun-boats  were  placed  to  cover  the  land 
ing  of  the  troops,  which  was  performed  without 
opposition.  At  this  place  the  Washington  and  Ef- 
fingham  rebel  frigates,  the  former  pierced  for  thirty- 
two  and  the  latter  for  twenty-eight  guns,  were  set 

1  Barry,  ch.  vii;  Boston  Gazette,  April  6,  1778;  Hist.  Mag., 
July,  1859 ;  Publ.  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  223 ;  Amer.  Cath.  Hist. 
Ees.,  April,  1904;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  137,  app.,  197  (December 
19,  1777),  152,  2,  367  (March  9,  1778) ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book, 
125,  126  (January  29,  1778),  134,  135  (March  11,  26,  1778),  143 
(April  24,  1778). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  311 

on  fire  and  consumed,  together  with  a  brig  and 
sloop.  The  troops  then  marched,  took  possession  of 
Borden-town  and  destroyed  a  battery  of  3  six- 
pounders;  whereupon  the  gallies,  armed  vessels, 
&c.  proceeded  to  that  place,  where  they  burnt  two 
new  ships,  one  of  which  was  pierced  for  18  guns, 
one  privateer  sloop  for  10  guns,  with  ten  sail  of 
brigs,  schooners  and  sloops."  l  Farther  up  the  river 
many  other  vessels  were  burned  as  well  as  a  large 
amount  of  public  property  on  shore.  "  The  whole 
number  of  vessels  destroyed  was  forty-four  sail." 
The  expedition  returned  to  Philadelphia  May  9. 
Fifty-eight  guns  of  these  sunken  and  destroyed 
vessels  were  afterwards  raised  by  the  Americans.2 
Thus  a  series  of  misfortunes  befell  the  Conti 
nental  navy  during  the  early  months  of  1778,  the 
effect  of  which  must  have  been  depressing  and 
naturally  caused  some  loss  of  confidence  in  the 
commanding  officers.  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering 
wrote  to  his  brother,  April  26,  from  York,  Penn 
sylvania,  the  temporary  seat  of  the  Continental 
Congress :  "  Our  naval  affairs  have  been  conducted 
shockingly.  You  will  see  by  the  papers  how  fool 
ishly  the  Virginia  was  lost.  The  Kandolph,  Capt.  , 
Biddle,  has  been  blown  up  in  an  engagement  with 
a  large  ship  in  tjbe  West  Indies.  This  misfortune 
is  deeply  to  be  regretted,  for  Biddle  was  an  excel- 

1  Almon,  vi,  149. 

2  Ibid.,  148-150;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.D.  488,  May  10,  1778; 
Hist.  Mag.,  July,  1859;  Mag.  Amer.  Hist.,  March,  1878,  Matthew- 
man's  Narrative ;  Barry,  ch.  viii. 


312    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

lent  &  amiable  man  and  accomplished  naval  com 
mander.  From  all  that  I  can  learn  the  conduct  of 
the  other  commanders  of  our  frigates  has  been 
generally  shamefully  bad."1  One  of  Pickering's 
correspondents,  in  recommending  Captain  Fisk  of 
the  Massachusetts  navy  for  the  command  of  a  Con 
tinental  frigate,  wrote :  "  I  am  confident  he  wd. 
not  give  her  away  like  a  Coward  as  perhaps  has 
been  the  case  with  some  others,  nor  lose  her  like  a 
blockhead  as  M  .  .  .  did  his."  2  Another  says:  "All 
the  men  that  is  got  home  from  the  Alfred  sayes  if 
Capt.  Thomson  had  come  down  they  would  have 
Taken  ye  Two  English  Ships  in  one  hours  engage 
ment."  3  William  Ellery  wrote  from  York,  April 
25,  to  William  Vernon :  "  The  Enemies  ships  do 
indeed  swarm  in  the  Seas  of  America  and  Europe ; 
but  hitherto  only  one  of  our  Frigates  hath  been 
captured  on  the  Ocean.  Two  have  been  burned  in 
North  River,  two  sunk  in  Delaware,  one  captured 
there,  and  one  in  Chesapeak.  The  Alfred  we  are 
just  informed  was  taken  on  her  passage  home  by 
two  frigates  in  sight  of  the  Rawleigh.  The  partic 
ulars  of  this  capture  and  why  she  was  not  supported 
by  the  Rawleigh  we  are  ignorant  of.  I  hope  Capt. 
Thompson  is  not  culpable.  I  entertain  a  high  opin 
ion  of  him.  The  Columbus  is  a  trifling  Loss  and  I 
should  not  much  lament  the  Loss  of  the  Alfred,  if 

1  Pickering  MSB.,  v,76. 

2  Ibid,  xvii,  128  (March  30,  1778).  Doubtless  Manley  is  meant. 
8  Ibid.,  xvii,  147  (May  4, 1778). 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  313 

her  brave  Captain,  Officers  and  men  were  not  in  the 
hands  of  a  cruel  enemy.  Our  little  fleet  is  very 
much  thinned.  We  must  contrive  some  plan  for 
catching  some  of  the  Enemy's  Frigates  to  supply 
our  Losses ;  but  we  must  take  care  not  to  catch 
tartars.  It  is  reported  that  Capt.  Biddle  of  the  Ran 
dolph,  in  an  engagement  with  a  sixty-gun  ship,  was 
blown  up.  We  have  been  so  unfortunate  that  I  am 
apt  to  believe  almost  any  bad  news ;  but  this  report 
I  cannot  believe."1  William  Story,  clerk  of  the 
Navy  Board  at  Boston,  wrote  to  Vernon,  April  29 : 
"  The  doctr.  of  the  Alfred  has  been  at  the  Board 
and  gives  a  particular  Accot.  of  Capt.  Thompson's 
behaviour;  he  is  Condemned  by  every  One  and 
they  are  Crying  out  why  don't  your  board  turn  him 
out  and  hang  him,  &c,  &c.  I  am  Sorry  the  Service 
Suffers  by  the  Misconduct  of  the  officers  in  the 
navy.  I  want  the  board  should  be  together  to  de 
termine  concerning  Capt.  Thompson."2  Captain 
Manley,  who  had  been  a  prisoner  in  New  York 
since  his  arrival  there  after  the  capture  of  the 
Hancock  in  July,  1777,  was  finally  released  and 
returned  to  Boston  April  21.  He  was  tried  by  a 
court-martial  in  June  for  the  loss  of  his  ship,  and 
acquitted.  Captain  McNeill  of  the  Boston  was  tried 
for  not  properly  supporting  the  Hancock,  and  was 
dismissed  from  the  navy.  Captain  Thompson  was 
court-martialed  and  was  also  dismissed.3 

1  Publ.  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  237.  2  Ibid.,  240. 

8  Ibid.,  246,  247 ;  Massachusetts  Spy,  April  30,  1778 ;  Perm. 


314    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  Continental  brigantine  Resistance  was  pur 
chased  for  the  navy  in  1777,  and  was  fitted  out  at 
New  London.  Captain  Samuel  Chew  was  given  com 
mand  of  her  in  June  of  that  year,  but  she  seems 
first  to  have  got  to  sea  early  in  1778.  She  mounted 
ten  four-pounder  guns,  and  while  cruising  in  the 
West  Indies,  fell  in  with  a  twenty-gun  British  letter 
of  marque,  March  4.  After  a  hard-fought  battle,  in 
which  Chew  and  one  of  his  lieutenants  were  killed, 
the  vessels  parted  and  the  Resistance  returned  to 
Boston.  The  new  sloop  of  war  General  Gates  got  to 
sea  during  the  summer  and  captured  two  prizes ;  in 
the  action  with  one  of  them,  Captain  Skimmer  of 
the  Gates  was  killed.1 

Captain  Barry  was  appointed,  May  30,  1778,  to 
command  the  frigate  Raleigh,  Captain  Thompson 
having  been  relieved.  Barry  was  ordered,  August 
24  and  again  on  the  28th,  to  sail  to  the  southward 
in  the  Raleigh  in  company  with  the  brigantine 
Resistance,  now  commanded  by  Captain  William 
Burke,  formerly  in  command  of  the  schooner  War 
ren,  of  Washington's  fleet  at  Boston  in  1776.  The 
Raleigh  and  Resistance  were  at  Boston.  The  Ma 
rine  Committee  apparently  had  in  mind  two  other 

Packet,  July  14,  1778 ;  Clark,  i,  53  ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  143, 
147,  165  (April  28,  May  8,  July  24,  1778) ;  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  37, 
163  (January  15,  1779)  ;  Jones  MSS.,  September  4,  November  15, 
17,  1778;  Wolcott  MSS.,  June  16,  1778. 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  92,  93, 94  (June  17, 1777),  143  (April 
28, 1778);  New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  IV,  i,  9;  Adams  MSS.,  October 
2,  1778,  Vernon  to  Adams;  Jour.  Cont.  Congr.,  September  14, 
1778. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  315 

frigates  for  service  in  southern  waters,  with  these 
vessels  or  independently.  These  were  the  Warren, 
at  Boston,  and  the  Deane,  which,  after  her  comple 
tion  at  Nantes,  had  come  over  to  Portsmouth  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Samuel  Nicholson,  arriv 
ing  in  May.  The  instructions  sent  to  Barry  pro 
vided  for  a  cruise  on  the  southern  coast  of  the 
United  States,  but  they  were  not  carried  out ;  other 
orders  to  Barry,  issued  after  he  had  sailed,  also  re 
lated  to  a  southern  cruise.  The  Kesistance  must  have 
sailed  before  the  orders  of  August  24  reached  Bos 
ton.  She  was  sent  out  to  look  for  the  fleet  of  Ad 
miral  D'Estaing,  which  was  expected  to  arrive  soon, 
but  missed  it ;  and  then  cruising  to  the  southward 
she  ran  into  Admiral  Howe's  fleet  and  was  cap 
tured.1 

The  Raleigh  sailed  from  Boston  September  25 
alone,  except  for  two  vessels  under  her  convoy, 
which  apparently  soon  dropped  astern.  The  wind 
was  fresh  from  the  northwest,  but  seems  to  have 
died  down  before  night ;  the  Raleigh's  first  course 
was  east  by  south.  At  noon  two  sail  were  sighted 
at  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles  to  the  southeast.  The 
Raleigh  hauled  to  the  north,  and  the  strange  ves 
sels,  which  were  the  British  fifty-gun  ship  Experi 
ment  and  the  Unicorn  of  twenty-two  guns,  followed 

1  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  131  (March  6,  1778),  147,  148,  153, 
154  (May  8, 9,  30,  1778),  173, 174  (August  24,  28, 1778),  175, 179  a 
(September  14,  28,  1778)  ;  Independent  Chronicle,  May  7, 1778 ; 
Almon,  vi,  195 ;  Amer.  Cath.  Hist.  Res.,  April,  1904 ;  Publ.  E.  I. 
Hist.  Soc.j  viii,  255 ;  Adams  MSS.,  October  2,  1778. 


316    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

in  pursuit.  The  chase  continued  nearly  sixty  hours 
before  a  shot  was  fired,  off  the  coast  of  Maine.  On 
the  morning  of  September  27  the  ships  were  not 
in  sight,  but  reappeared  about  half-past  nine  in  the 
forenoon.  The  wind  blew  fresh  from  the  west,  and 
the  Raleigh,  running  off  at  a  speed  of  eleven  knots, 
drew^away  from  her  pursuers,  but  in  the  afternoon, 
the  wind  having  diminished  again,  the  Unicorn 
gained  on  her.  The  narrative  of  two  of  the  Raleigh's 
officers  says :  "  At  half  past  four  P.M.  tacked  and 
stood  to  the  S.  westward  in  order  to  discover  the 
headmost  ship's  force ;  at  the  same  time  saw  several 
islands,  but  could  not  tell  the  name  of  either.  Our 
ship  being  cleared  for  action  and  men  at  their  quar 
ters,  about  five  P.M.  coursed  the  headmost  ship  [the 
Unicorn],  to  windward  athwart  her  fore  foot,  on 
which  we  hoisted  our  colours,  hauled  up  the  mizzen 
sail  and  took  in  the  stay  sails ;  and  immediately 
the  enemy  hoisted  St.  George's  ensign.  She  appear 
ing  to  be  pierced  for  twenty-eight  guns,  we  gave 
her  a  broadside,  which  she  returned;  the  enemy  then 
tacked  and  came  up  under  our  lee  quarter  and  the 
second  broadside  she  gave  us,  to  our  unspeakable 
grief,  carried  away  our  fore  top-mast  and  mizzen 
top-gallant-mast.  He  renewed  the  action  with  fresh 
vigor  and  we,  notwithstanding  our  misfortune,  hav 
ing  in  a  great  measure  lost  command  of  our  ship, 
were  determined  for  victory.  He  then  shot  ahead 
of  us  and  bore  away  to  leeward.  By  this  time  we 
had  our  ship  cleared  of  the  wreck.  The  enemy  plied 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  317 

his  broadsides  briskly,  which  we  returned  as  brisk  ; 
we  perceiving  that  his  intentions  were  to  thwart  us, 
we  bore  away  to  prevent  his  raking  us,  and  if  pos 
sible,  to  lay  him  aboard,  which  he  doubtless  per 
ceived  and  having  the  full  command  of  his  ship, 
prevented  us  by  sheering  off  and  dropping  astern, 
keeping  his  station  on  our  weather  quarter.  Night 
coming  on  we  perceived  the  sternmost  ship  gaining 
on  us  very  fast,  and  being  much  disabled  in  our 
sails,  masts  and  rigging  and  having  no  possible  view 
of  escaping,  Capt.  Barry  thought  it  most  prudent, 
with  the  advice  of  his  officers,  to  wear  ship  and 
stand  for  the  shore,  if  possible  to  prevent  the  ship's 
falling  into  the  enemy's  hands  by  running  her  on 
shore.  The  engagement  continuing  very  warm, 
about  twelve  midnight  saw  the  land  bearing  N.N.E. 
two  points  under  our  bow.  The  enemy,  after  an  en 
gagement  of  seven  hours,  thought  proper  to  sheer 
off  and  wait  for  his  consort,  they  showing  and  an 
swering  false  fires  to  each  other."1 

The  Experiment  soon  came  up  and  joined  in  the 
fire,  and  the  British  tried  to  cut  off  the  Ealeigh 
from  the  shore.  "  Encouraged  by  our  brave  comman 
der,  we  were  determined  not  to  strike.  After  receiv 
ing  three  broadsides  from  the  large  ship  and  the 
fire  of  the  frigate  on  our  lee  quarter,  our  ship  struck 
the  shore,  which  the  large  ship  perceiving  poured 
in  two  broadsides,  which  was  returned  by  us  ;  she 
then  hove  in  stays,  our  guns  being  loaded  gave  us 
1  Pennsylvania  Post,  October  19,  1778,  quoted  in  Barry,  94,  95. 


318    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE   REVOLUTION 

a  good  opportunity  of  raking  her,  which  we  did 
with  our  whole  broadside  and  after  that  she  bore 
away  and  raked  us  likewise,  and  both  kept  up  a 
heavy  fire  on  each  quarter,  in  order  to  make  us 
strike  to  them,  which  we  never  did.  After  continu 
ing  their  fire  some  time  they  ceased  and  came  to 
anchor  about  a  mile  distant." l 

According  to  the  Experiment's  log,  at  quarter 
before  six  P.M.  on  the  27th,  the  "  Unicorn  came  to 
close  Action  with  the  Chace,  the  first  Broadside 
carried  away  the  Enemys  foretopmast  and  Main 
top-gallant  Mast,  at  7  a  violent  fireing  on  board 
both  Ships,  i  past  9  the  fireing  ceased  i  an  Hour, 
on  which  we  fired  several  Signal  Guns  &  was  an 
swered  by  the  Unicorn  with  Lights  &  false  Fires 
bearing  N  |  E  3  miles,  at  10  the  Unicorn  still 
in  Action,  at  11  spoke  her  &  found  the  chace  close 
by  her,  soon  after  got  alongside  the  Chace,  she  gave 
us  a  Broadside  &  we  riturned  it,  she  then  run  upon 
the  Shore,  we  being  close  to  the  Rocks,  tacked  & 
Anchored  about  i  a  Gun  Shott  from  her,  as  did 
the  Unicorn  in  20  fathoms  Water ;  at  5  A.M.  the 
Enemy  still  on  shore  on  a  small  barren  Island 
called  Seal  Island,  the  Rebel  Colours  still  hoisted, 
at  7  weighed  and  Anchored  near  her,  fired  several 
Guns  &  hoisted  out  all  our  Boats,  Manned  & 
Armed,  sent  a  Boat  ahead  with  a  Flag  of  Truce 
to  offer  them  Quarters,  on  discovering  which  she 
hawled  down  her  Colours,  her  first  Lieutenant  and 

i  Barry,  96. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  319 

One  Hundred  &  thirty-three  Men  were  got  ashore 
on  the  Island,  but  surrendered  on  a  Summons  by 
Truce."1 

The  Raleigh  had  run  on  a  rocky  island  in  ornear 
Penobscot  Bay,  the  identity  of  which  seems  not  to 
have  been  perfectly  established.  Barry  had  at  once 
proceeded  to  land  his  crew,  intending  to  destroy 
his  ship,  and  before  morning  he  and  eighty-five  of 
his  men  had  escaped  in  boats  to  the  mainland  ;  but 
through  negligence  or  treachery  the  combustibles 
prepared  for  firing  the  ship  were  not  ignited.  The 
British  soon  took  possession  of  the  frigate  and 
made  prisoners  of  those  of  her  crew  who  had  not 
yet  left  her.  The  Raleigh  lost  twenty-five  killed  and 
wounded.  The  Unicorn  had  ten  killed  and  many 
wounded,  and  was  much  injured  in  her  hull  and 
rigging.  Captain  Barry  with  those  of  his  crew  who 
escaped  found  their  way  back  to  Boston,  where 
they  arrived  in  about  two  weeks.  The  British 
hauled  the  Raleigh  off  the  rocks  and  took  her  into 
their  service.  Barry's  reputation  did  not  suffer  from 
this  mishap  and  he  was  held  blameless  by  a  court 
of  inquiry.  In  November  he  was  appointed  to 
command  a  fleet  of  galleys  to  be  employed  in  an 
expedition  against  East  Florida,  but  this  project 
was  never  carried  out. 2 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  Captains'  Logs,  No.  331 ;  also  No.  1017 
(log  of  the  Unicorn). 

2  Barry,  ch.  ix ;    Dawson,  ch.  xlii ;    Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book, 
184,  191  (October  25,  November  20, 1778);  Boston  Gazette,  October 
6, 1778  ;  Brit.  Adm.  Eec.,  A.  D.  489,  October  28,  1778. 


320    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

The  Massachusetts  state  brigs  Tyrannicide,  Cap 
tain  Haraden,  and  Hazard,  Captain  Sampson, 
sailed  late  in  1777  on  a  cruise  in  the  West  Indies. 
Early  in  their  voyage  they  took  three  prizes,  but 
after  arriving  upon  their  cruising  ground  they  had 
little  success.  One  of  the  few  vessels  they  saw, 
wrote  Sampson  from  Martinique,  March  5,  1778, 
was  "  a  Frigate  that  we  fell  in  with  a  few  days 
before  we  Arrived  here,  wch  after  we  boar  away 
for  her  and  discovered  her  to  be  a  Six  &  thirty 
Gun  Frigate  and  we  not  thinking  proper  to 
engage  her,  Sheard  from  her,  wch  shee  Perseving, 
gave  us  Chase,  but  we  soon  Run  her  out  of  sight. 
.  .  .  The  Hazard  proves  to  be  a  very  good  Sea- 
boat  &  is  as  Excellent  Sailor  and  works  kindly 
every  way."1  They  sailed  home,  March  30,  and 
arrived  in  May.  The  brig  Massachusetts,  Captain 
Lambert,  was  ordered  on  a  cruise  to  the  coasts  of 
England,  Spain,  and  Portugal.  In  June,  Captain 
Fisk  was  appointed  to  command  the  Hazard,  which 
Sampson  had  given  up  on  account  of  ill  health. 
Fisk  declined  the  appointment,  saying  that  he  would 
not  "  go  to  sea  untill  I  can  git  a  ship  that  is  able 
to  make  some  defence  against  a  British  frigate."  2 
The  Hazard  was  then  given  to  Captain  Williams 
and  he  was  ordered  to  cruise  for  West  Indiamen.  In 
August,  Captain  Hallet,  who'succeeded  Haraden  in 
the  Tyrannicide,  was  ordered  to  cruise  off  Long 
Island,  but  owing  to  the  proximity  of  the  English 

1  Massachusetts  Mag.,  July  1908.        2  Mass.  Archives,  cliii,  73. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  321 

fleet  after  the  French  fleet  had  gone  to  Boston,  he 
"  stood  away  to  the  North wd."  He  fell  in  with  and 
cruised  a  few  days  with  the  Continental  frigate 
Warren.  Hallet  says  that  on  September  25  he  saw 
a  sail  standing  towards  him,  which  "  hove  out  an 
English  Ensign.  I  gave  her  a  Bow  Chace  and 
English  Colours ;  hail'd  her,  was  answered  from 
St  George's  Bay  bound  to  Jersey.  I  order  her  to 
heave  out  her  boat  &  come  on  board  me,  which  she 
did.  I  sent  a  Prize  Master  who  sent  the  Capt.  with 
his  Papers  on  board  me.  I  then  hoisted  an  Amer 
ican  Jack  &  ordered  her  to  strike  to  the  United 
States,  which  was  complied  with."  1  The  prize  was 
a  British  letter  of  marque  brig  called  the  Juno. 
Early  in  the  year  1778  a  moderate  building  pro 
gramme  had  been  planned  for  the  Massachusetts 
navy,  but  was  only  partially  carried  out.2 

In  Boston  Harbor  March  23,  1778,  were  the 
ships  Defence  and  Oliver  Cromwell  of  the  Connec 
ticut  navy;  the  former,  which  had  previously  been 
rigged  as  a  brig,  carried  eighteen  six-pounders,  the 
Cromwell,  twenty  nine-pounders.  There  were  also 
in  port  at  the  same  time  three  privateer  ships,  the 
General  Mifflin  and  Minerva,  of  twenty  guns 
each,  and  the  Hancock,  of  eighteen  guns. 3  Late  in 

1  Mass.  Archives,  cliii,  110. 

a  Mass.  Court  Rec.,  January  17,  April  21,  June  23,  1778;  Mass. 
Archives,  cli,  440,  442,  449,  cliii,  73, 110, 114;  Massachusetts  Mag., 
April,  July,  October,  1908. 

•  Brit.  Adm.  Rec.,  A.  D.  488,  No.  57,  April  23,  1778,  intelli 
gence  collected  for  Admiral  Howe. 


322    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

March  the  Defence,  Captain  Samuel  Smedley,  and 
the  Oliver  Cromwell,  Captain  Timothy  Parker, 
sailed  from  Boston  on  a  cruise.  Near  the  Bahamas, 
April  15,  they  fell  in  with  and  captured  the  British 
ships  Admiral  Keppel,  18,  and  Cygnus,  16.  A  sea 
man  on  the  Oliver  Cromwell  wrote  in  his  journal: 
"We  gave  chase  under  a  moderate  sail.  At  9 
o'clock  came  up  with  them.  They  at  first  shew 
French  colors  to  decoy  us.  When  we  came  in  about 
half  a  mile,  they  ups  with  the  English  colors.  We 
had  Continental  colors  flying.  We  engaged  the 
ship  Admiral  Kepple  as  follows :  When  we  came  in 
about  twenty  rods  of  her,  we  gave  her  a  bow  gun. 
She  soon  returned  us  a  stern  chase  and  then  a  broad 
side  of  grape  and  round  shot.  Captain  orders  not 
to  fire  till  we  can  see  the  white  of  their  eyes.  We 
get  close  under  their  larboard  quarter.  They  began 
another  broadside  and  then  we  began  and  held  tuff 
and  tuff  for  about  two  glasses,  and  then  she  struck 
to  us.  At  the  same  time  the  Defence  engaged  the 
Cyrus,  who  as  the  Keppel  struck,  wore  round  un 
der  our  stern.  We  wore  ship  and  gave  her  a  stern 
chase,  at  which  she  immediately  struck.  The  loss 
on  our  side  was  one  killed  and  six  wounded,  one 
mortally,  who  soon  died.  Our  ship  was  hulled  nine 
times  with  six-pound  shott,  three  of  which  went 
through  our  berth,  one  of  which  wounded  the  boat 
swain's  yeoman.  The  loss  on  their  side  was  two 
killed  and  six  wounded.  Their  larboard  quarter  was 
well  filled  with  shott.  One  nine-pounder  went 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  323 

through  her  main-mast.  Employed  in  the  afternoon 
taking  out  the  men  and  manning  the  prize."1  In 
May  the  Defence  had  small  pox  on  board  and  put 
into  Charleston,  South  Carolina.  A  letter  from 
that  place,  dated  June  26,  says:  "On  receiving 
intelligence  of  several  of  the  Enemy's  privateers 
being  on  our  coast  &  annoying  our  trade  with 
impunity,  Capt.  Smedley  (notwithstanding  he  was 
at  the  time  performing  quarantine  for  the  small 
pox),  on  an  application  from  His  Excellency  our 
President,  fitted  out  the  Defence  immediately,  being 
assisted  by  Commodore  Gillon  [and  other  officers 
of  the  South  Carolina  navy] ,  and  last  friday  sailed 
over  our  Bar  in  quest  of  them,  having  in  Company 
with  him  a  French  Armed  Sloop  called  the  Volant, 
commanded  by  Capt.  Daniel,  who  voluntarily  of 
fered  his  service  on  the  occasion.  Before  night  they 
fell  in  with  Three  privateer  Sloops,  two  of  which 
they  took"2  and  brought  into  Charleston.  The 
third  sloop  escaped.  These  vessels  were  from  St. 
Augustine,  a  place  much  frequented  by  British  pri 
vateers.  The  Defence,  in  company  with  the  Volant, 
returned  to  Boston  in  August,  and  in  December 
was  sent  on  another  cruise  with  the  Oliver  Crom 
well.3 

In  January,  1778,  the  American  privateer  brig 

1  New  London  Hist.  Soc.,  II,  i,  50,  IV,  i,  38,  41.  The  quotation 
is  from  the  logbook  of  Timothy  Boardman. 

2  Trumbull  MSS.,  viii,  149. 

8  Ibid.,  xx,  182,  xxvi,  42,  46;  Independent  Chronicle,  August  6, 

1778. 


324    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

General  Sullivan,  carrying  fourteen  guns  and  a 
hundred  and  thirty-five  men,  had  an  engagement 
in  the  West  Indies  with  the  sixteen-gun  Liverpool 
privateer  Isabella,  said  to  have  had  a  crew  of  only 
fifty.  They  fought  two  hours  and  a  half  yardarm 
and  yardarm  and  then  separated.  The  British  re 
port  says :  "  The  engagement  was  hot  and  I  believe 
fatal  to  them,  for  we  could  see  them  falling  out  of 
the  tops  and  hear  their  shrieks  and  groans.  It  falling 
dark  and  our  rigging  cut  to  pieces,  we  could  not 
work  our  ship  and  so  lost  our  prize."  The  Sullivan 
seems  to  have  suffered  most  severely,  having  eleven 
killed  and  twenty-three  wounded,  many  of  them 
dangerously.  The  Isabella  lost  two  killed  and  ten 
wounded,  one  mortally.1 

On  the  morning  of  May  26,  some  distance  off 
the  Delaware  capes,  the  British  ship  Minerva,  car 
rying  sixteen  six-pounders,  ten  coehorns,  and  forty 
men,  fell  in  with  an  American  brigantine  mounting 
fourteen  guns,  sixes  and  fours,  six  coehorns,  and 
twenty-four  swivels.  The  British  account  says :  "  At 
eight  o'clock  he  came  up  with  us,  it  blowing  then 
easy ;  he  kept  his  head  toward  us,  so  that  we  could  not 
see  his  whole  force,  and  we  suspected  his  attempting 
to  board,  on  which  we  fired  a  cohorn  and  hoisted 
our  colours.  He  still  keeping  his  station,  we  fired 
on  board  of  him  and  opened  our  stern  ports ;  on 
seeing  this  he  run  up  abreast  and  gave  us  a  broad 
side,  hoisting  the  13  stripes.  We  returned  his  broad- 
1  Williams,  214,  215. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  325 

side  and  the  action  continued  for  one  hour  and  57 
minutes,  having  obliged  him  to  sheer  off  at  ten 
o'clock.  We  were  in  no  condition  to  follow  him,  16 
of  our  crew  being  killed  and  wounded,  our  scuppers 
on  both  sides  running  with  blood,  I  may  say,  of  as 
brave  men  as  ever  faced  an  enemy,  our  sails  and 
rigging  being  mostly  cut  and  destroyed  and  all  our 
masts  very  severely  wounded.  Our  greatest  distance 
from  the  privateer  during  the  engagement  did  not 
exceed  the  length  of  our  ship  and  we  were  often 
yard  arm  and  yard  arm,  scarce  clearing  one  an 
other's  rigging.  Our  topmast  stay-sail,  which  con 
tinued  set  during  the  action,  had  180  shot  through 
it,  9  great  shot  besides  small  ones  through  our  en 
sign,  1  through  our  pendant,  13  shot  in  our  mizen- 
mast,  our  main-mast  shot  through  and  our  fore-mast 
greatly  damaged.  I  believe  that  the  rebel  was  as 
much  damaged  in  rigging  as  ourselves  and  his  loss 
of  men  must  have  been  very  considerable,  he  being 
quite  crowded  with  them;  he  carried  six  swivels  in 
his  tops  and  great  quantities  of  their  shot  consisted 
of  old  iron  cut  square,  old  pots,  old  bolts,  &c.  About 
the  middle  of  the  engagement  an  alarm  was  raised 
that  our  ship  was  beginning  to  sink  ;  on  this  a 
number  of  the  men  deserted  their  quarters,  and 
among  them  the  person  who  was  at  the  helm.  The 
captain  rallied  them  instantly,  took  the  helm  him 
self,  and  while  standing  there  a  ball  went  through 
his  hat."  The  report  that  the  ship  was  sinking 
"arose  from  some  of  the  enemy's  shot  having  gone 


326    NAVAL  HISTORY   OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

through  and  through,  which  staved  14  puncheons 
of  rum  between  decks."  "  Such  resolution  was  then 
shewn  that  had  the  ship  been  in  a  sinking  condi 
tion,  I  am  convinced  she  would  have  gone  to  the 
bottom  with  the  colours  standing,  every  one  on  board 
being  determined  to  sell  his  life  as  dear  as  he  could. 
The  rebel  hailed  us  to  strike,  but  we  could  spare 
no  time  to  answer  him."  The  Minerva  lost  seven 
killed  and  nine  wounded.  She  was  much  crippled, 
and  with  the  help  of  a  British  frigate  got  into  New 
York  four  days  later.1 

Four  Connecticut  fishermen  were  captured  by 
the  British  at  sea  in  September,  1778,  and  taken 
to  Jamaica,  where  they  were  impressed  on  board 
the  sloop  Active,  bound  to  New  York.  During  the 
voyage  the  four  Americans  rose  upon  the  crew  of 
the  Active,  fourteen  in  number,  and  confined  them 
below.  Although  the  British  were  armed  and  made 
many  desperate  attempts  to  regain  possession  of 
the  sloop,  they  were  finally  subdued  after  a  two 
days'  struggle.  The  Active  was  then  headed  for 
port,  but  was  seized  by  a  Pennsylvania  state  cruiser 
and  a  privateer,  who  claimed  her  as  a  prize  and 
took  her  into  Philadelphia.  The  conflicting  claims 
of  the  Connecticut  fishermen  and  the  last  captors,  for 
prize  money,  led  to  long  and  important  litigation, 
involving  the  question  of  state  sovereignty.2 

1  London  Chronicle,  October  8,  1778,  reprinted  in  Penn.  Mag- 
Hist,  and  Biogr.,  April  1889. 

2  Penn.  Mag.  Hist,  and  Biogr.,  January,  1893 ;  Jameson's  Essays 
in  Constitutional  History  U.  S.,  17. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  327 

The  twenty-gun  ship  General  Hancock,  Captain 
Hardy,  a  privateer  of  Boston,  on  the  19th  of  Sep 
tember  fell  in  with  the  British  letter  of  marque  Le 
vant,  of  thirty-two  guns,  and  they  fought  three 
hours,  beginning  at  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
Both  ships  hoisted  their  colors  and  after  firing  a 
few  shot  the  Levant  came  alongside  the  General 
Hancock;  then  the  action  began.  At  half -past  two 
Captain  Hardy  received  a  severe  wound,  which 
proved  fatal.  The  ships  exchanged  broadsides  at 
short  range  until  four  o'clock,  when  the  Levant 
blew  up,  part  of  the  wreck  falling  on  board  the 
American  ship.  The  Hancock's  boats  were  im 
mediately  lowered  and  eighteen  of  the  Levant's 
crew  of  about  a  hundred  were  saved.  The  American 
loss  included  four  killed,  besides  the  captain.1 

The  recall  of  the  British  ambassador  from  France 
in  March,  1778,  was  followed  by  preparations  for 
war  between  the  two  nations.  The  French  collected 
a  fleet  at  Brest  under  the  command  of  the  Comte 
d'Orvilliers  and  another  at  Toulon  under  the  Comte 
d'Estaing.  The  Brest  fleet  fought  an  indecisive 

1  Almon,  vii,  168;  Continental  Journal,  September  24,  1778. 
The  Levant  is  called  a  frigate  in  the  account  of  the  affair.  Fur 
ther  accounts  of  privateers  and  prizes  in  1778  are  given  in  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Gen.  Beg.,  xxiii  (1869),  47,  181,  289 ;  London  Chronicle, 
January  15,  February  24,  June  16,  August  29,  September  29, 1778  ; 
Royal  Amer.  Gazette  (New  York),  March  19,  1778;  Boston  Post, 
October  7,  December  5,  1778 ;  Penn.  Packet,  July  24,  1778 ;  Bos 
ton  Gazette,  August  24,  September  14,  21,  October  12,  1778; 
Massachusetts  Spy,  June  25,  November  5,  1778;  Independent 
Chronicle,  December  24,  1778. 


328    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

engagement  off  Ushant  in  July  with  the  British 
fleet  of  Admiral  Keppel.  It  was  intended  that  the 
Toulon  fleet  should  cross  the  Atlantic  and  blockade 
Admiral  Howe  in  Delaware  Bayf  The  overwhelming 
preponderance  of  sea  power  on  the  side  of  the  Brit 
ish  had  hitherto  given  them  nearly  complete  control 
of  the  American  coast  ;  and  they  had  been  free  to 
move  their  troops  and  supplies  from  place  to  place 
with  little  hindrance,  except  the  occasional  loss  of 
a  transport  which  had  become  separated  from  its 
convoy.  There  was  now  a  prospect  of  the  Americans 
being  able,  with  the  help  of  French  fleets,  to  dis 
pute  the  naval  supremacy  of  England,  at  least  along 
their  own  shores.  Disappointments  were  in  store  for 
them,  however,  and  began  with  the  dilatoriness 
which  marked  the  preparation  of  this  Toulon  fleet 
from  the  beginning,  and  all  its  subsequent  move 
ments.  D'Estaing  sailed  from  Toulon  April  13, 
taking  with  him  as  passengers  M.  Gerard,  the  first 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  France  to  the  United 
States,  and  Silas  Deane,  who  had  been  recalled  by 
Congress  and  was  returning  home  to  explain  his 
transactions  in  France.  The  fleet  passed  Gibraltar 
more  than  a  month  later  and  appeared  off  the 
Delaware  capes  July  7.  It  was  said  that  this  ex 
ceptionally  long  voyage  was  due  to  time  spent  in 
drills  and  to  unnecessary  delays,  but  D'Estaing 
himself  says  it  was  caused  by  the  extreme  slowness 
of  some  of  his  vessels  and  the  necessity  of  keeping 
his  fleet  together.  At  any  rate,  he  was  too  late  to 


D  ESTAING 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  329 

accomplish  the  first  great  object  of  the  expedition, 
which  was  to  close  the  Delaware  before  the  British 
left  it.  Howe  had  sailed  June  22,  passed  out  of  the 
bay  on  the  28th,  and  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook  two 
days  later.  The  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  the 
British  had  been  ordered  early  in  the  spring  and 
was  carried  out  June  18.  Howe's  fleet  had  on  board 
all  the  stores  and  baggage  of  the  army,  which 
marched  overland  through  New  Jersey.  If  the  Brit 
ish  fleet  had  been  caught  in  the  Delaware,  it  is 
possible  that  a  victory  as  decisive  as  that  of  York- 
town  three  years  later  might  have  been  the  result ; 
for  the  British  army,  without  their  fleet  to  trans 
port  them  from  the  lower  bay  of  New  York  to  the 
city,  might  have  fared  badly.  D'Estaing,  moreover, 
having  captured  Howe's  fleet,  could  have  taken 
New  York.  Howe  on  July  12  had  six  ships  of  sixty- 
four  or  more  guns,  three  fifties,  two  forty-fours, 
and  four  frigates.  Another  British  fleet  under  Ad 
miral  Byron  was  coming  to  reinforce  him.  D'Estaing 
had  eight  ships  of  seventy-four  or  more  guns,  three 
sixty-fours,  one  fifty,  and  five  frigates.1 

D'Estaing  soon  sailed  for  New  York  with  the  in 
tention  of  entering  the  harbor  and  attacking  Howe. 
He  arrived  off  Sandy  Hook  July  11,  but  did  not 
go  inside.  He  was  told  by  all  the  pilots  he  consulted 
that  his  heavier  ships  could  not  pass  over  the 

1  Almon,  vi,  122;  Schomberg,  iv,  331,  338;  Sands,  75,  311 ;  Mo 
han,  350,  359,  360 ;  United  Service,  October,  1905,  "  D'Estaing's 
campaign  " ;  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  110 ;  Channing,  iii,  288, 298. 


330    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

bar.  He  offered  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  francs 
to  any  pilot  who  would  take  him  inside,  but  no  one 
volunteered.  Thus  a  second  opportunity  to  annihi 
late  the  British  fleet  was  lost.  The  French  policy 
perhaps  did  not  favor  an  early  and  decisive  triumph 
of  the  American  cause,  and  possibly  D'Estaing  was 
less  strenuous  in  his  efforts  than  he  would  have  been 
if  he  had  been  fighting  for  his  own  country  alone. 
This  would  have  been  reasonable  from  the  French 
point  of  view  and  consistent  with  the  admiral's  in 
structions,  which  called  for  the  performance  of 
some  "  action  beneficial  to  the  Americans,  glorious 
for  the  arms  of  the  king,  fit  to  manifest  immediately 
the  protection  that  His  Majesty  accorded  to  his 
allies." l 

D'Estaing  remained  off  Sandy  Hook  eleven  days, 
and  is  said  to  have  captured  during  that  time  twenty 
British  vessels  bound  into  New  York.  July  22  he 
sailed  for  Newport,  having  been  requested  by  Wash 
ington  to  cooperate  with  General  Sullivan  in  an 
attack  on  that  town.  On  the  29th  the  French  fleet 
appeared  off  Newport  and  a  few  days  later  occupied 
the  eastern  and  western  channels  of  Narragansett 
Bay.  Four  British  frigates  and  two  sloops  of  war 
were  destroyed,  either  by  the  French  or  by  the 
English  themselves,  to  prevent  capture.  Unfortun 
ately  Sullivan  did  not  get  ready  for  the  movement 
against  Newport  until  August  8.  D'Estaing  then 
ran  into  the  central  channel  of  the  bay,  under  fire 
1  United  Service,  October,  1905. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  331 

from  the  batteries  at  the  entrance,  and  anchored 
the  main  body  of  his  fleet  north  of  the  harbor.  The 
attack  was  planned  for  the  10th.  On  the  9th  the 
British  fleet  appeared  off  Point  Judith,  where 
it  anchored.  Howe  had  sailed  from  New  York  Au 
gust  1,  having  been  reinforced  by  several  ships  of 
Admiral  Byron's  fleet,  which  had  been  scattered  by 
a  storm  on  its  passage  from  England.  Howe  now 
had  with  him  one  seventy-four,  seven  sixty-fours, 
five  fifties,  two  forty-fours,  six  frigates,  and  several 
small  vessels.  Although  his  force  was  thus  consid 
erably  increased,  he  was  still  somewhat  weaker  than 
his  adversary,  and  seems  to  have  had  no  intention 
of  attacking.  Under  the  circumstances,  however, 
D'Estaing  preferred  the  open  sea,  and  early  the 
next  morning,  August  10,  the  wind  having  shifted 
to  the  north  during  the  night,  he  cut  his  cables  and 
ran  out  of  the  bay.  Upon  observing  this  movement 
of  the  French,  Howe  got  under  way,  and  the  two 
fleets  spent  the  next  twenty-four  hours  manoeuvring 
for  the  weather-gauge,  or,  according  to  D'Estaing's 
account,  the  British  fleet  fled  before  the  wind,  at 
tempting  to  get  back  to  New  York,  with  the  French 
in  pursuit.  This  continued  until  late  on  the  after 
noon  of  the  llth,  and  the  leading  French  ships  were 
just  overhauling  the  British  rear,  when  the  wind, 
which  had  been  increasing,  became  a  violent  gale, 
which  soon  scattered  the  vessels  of  both  fleets,  each 
ship  being  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  the  elements. 
"  At  half -past  three  in  the  morning  "  of  the  12th, 


332    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

says  D'Estaing  in  his  report,  "  the  bowsprit  broke, 
then  the  foremast,  then  the  main-top,  then  the  miz- 
zenmast;  finally  the  mainmast  fell.  Our  rudder 
broke  next.  This  last  misfortune  was  the  greatest 
of  all.  We  were  now  only  a  floating  mass  with  no 
thing  to  steady  us  and  nothing  to  guide  us." l  This 
was  the  plight  of  the  admiral's  flag-ship,  the  Lan- 
guedoc,  of  ninety  guns.  The  storm  continued  una 
bated  until  the  afternoon  of  the  13th,  when  it  sub 
sided.  Before  night  the  Languedoc  and  another  dis 
masted  French  ship  were  attacked  by  two  British 
ships,  but  darkness  put  an  end  to  the  encounter. 
The  next  day  most  of  the  French  fleet  came  together 
and  anchored  for  temporary  repairs.  The  British 
made  their  way  back  to  New  York.  D'Estaing,  hav 
ing  completed  necessary  repairs,  bore  away  for 
Rhode  Island  August  17,  and  appeared  again  before 
Newport  on  the  20th.  It  was  then  decided  that 
the  fleet  could  be  thoroughly  refitted  at  no  place 
nearer  than  Boston,  and  D'Estaing  therefore  sailed 
again  on  the  22d,  to  the  great  disappointment  of 
Sullivan,  who  was  forced  to  abandon  his  campaign 
against  Newport.  The  French  arrived  in  the  lower 
harbor  of  Boston  August  28,  and  four  days  later 
Howe's  fleet,  having  refitted  at  New  York,  appeared 
in  sight.  On  his  way  to  Boston,  Howe  had  captured 
the  Continental  brig  Resistance,  which  had  been 
sent  out  to  look  for  the  French  fleet.  Finding  D'Es- 
taing's  position  too  strong  to  be  attacked,  Howe 
1  United  Service,  October,  1905. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  333 

soon  departed,  returning  to  New  York.  D'Estaing 
remained  at  Boston  over  two  months,  finally  sailing 
for  the  West  Indies  November  4.  He  arrived  at 
Martinique  December  9.1 

Shortly  after  the  final  departure  of  D'Estaing 
from  Rhode  Island,  the  British  frigate  Carysfort, 
Captain  Fanshawe,  with  a  considerable  fleet  and  a 
detachment  of  the  army  under  General  Grey,  made 
a  raid,  September  4,  upon  American  shipping  in 
Buzzard's  Bay  and  at  Martha's  Vineyard.  The  ex 
pedition  was  sent  by  Admiral  Gambier,  who  about 
this  time  succeeded  Howe  in  command  of  the  North 
American  station.  At  New  Bedford,  Fair  Haven, 
and  Holmes's  Hole  about  twenty  vessels  of  some 
size,  besides  seventy  smaller  ones  and  many  boats, 
were  destroyed;  also  twenty-six  storehouses  and 
other  public  property.  Major  Silas  Talbot  of  the 
Continental  army  reported  to  General  Sullivan  that 
the  British  fleet  comprised  forty-five  sail,  great  and 
small,  bringing  four  thousand  troops,  to  oppose 
whom  the  Americans  mustered  one  thousand  militia. 
Talbot  said  that  besides  destroying  nearly  all  the 
shipping  at  New  Bedford,  they  burned  twenty  shops 
and  twenty-two  houses  in  the  town.  A  few  weeks 
later  Gambier  sent  out  another  marauding  expedi- 

1  Mohan,  359-365 ;  Clowes,  iii,  397-411;  United  Service,  Octo 
ber,  1905 ;  Almon,  vii,  27-50,  106-112  ;  Doniol,  iii,  ch.  vii;  Cheva 
lier's  Marine  Franqaise,  ch.  iii ;  Clark,  i,  83,  84 ;  Schomberg,  iv, 
338, 339  ;  Publ.  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  255.  For  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper's 
account  of  D'Estaing,  see  Hale,  i,  183. 


334    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

tion,  to  Egg  Harbor,  New  Jersey.1  These  transac 
tions  were  in  line  with  the  policy  advocated  earlier 
in  the  year  by  Germain,2  whose  under-secretary, 
William  Knox,  wrote  October  31 :  "  What  a  proof 
is  the  Bedford  enterprize  of  the  propriety  of  the 
orders  so  repeatedly  given  for  attacking  the  rebel 
sea  ports,  and  what  a  reflection  is  it  upon  Lord 
Howe's  character  that  Gambier,  in  his  short  ab 
sence,  has  done  more  to  subdue  the  Rebellion  than 
his  lordship  during  the  whole  of  his  command.  It 
was  always  clear  in  speculation  that  the  Militia 
would  never  stay  with  Washington  or  quit  their 
homes,  if  the  coast  was  kept  in  alarm,  but  the  ex 
periment  having  now  been  made,  the  effect  is  re 
duced  to  a  certainty.  Surely  somebody  will  ask 
Lord  Howe  why  he  has  never  attempted  any 
thing  of  the  kind."  "I  much  fear  [D'Estaing] 
will  go  to  the  West  Indies,  .  .  .  but  perhaps  By 
ron's  enterprizing  turn  may  discover  the  practica 
bility  of  burning  his  fleet  and  the  town  of  Boston 
together,  and  then  everything  will  succeed  with 
us."  3 

General  Sullivan  evacuated  Rhode  Island  by 
passing  over  to  the  mainland  at  Tiverton  August 
29.  The  British  fortified  the  eastern  channel  of 

1  Almon,  vii,  36-38,47-49, 154-156;  Stevens,  1157 ;  /Spares  MSS., 
September  7,  1778,  Talbot  to  Sullivan. 

2  See  above,  p.  291. 

8  Hist.  Manuscripts  Com.,  Various  Collections,  vi,  153.  For  other 
contemporary  opinions  of  Howe,  see  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  No 
vember,  1910. 


NAVAL  OPERATIONS  IN  1778  335 

Narragansett  Bay,  or  Sakonnet  River,  by  batteries 
on  the  shore  and  by  a  two-hundred-ton  schooner 
named  the  Pigot,  armed  with  eight  twelve-pounders, 
manned  by  a  crew  of  forty-five  men  and  moored 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river.  Major  Talbot  fitted 
out  at  Providence  a  small  sloop  called  the  Hawke 
with  two  three-pounders  and  manned  her  with  a 
detachment  from  the  army  afterwards  reinforced, 
it  is  said,  to  the  number  of  sixty  in  all.  Talbot  pro 
ceeded  to  Mount  Hope  Bay  where  he  waited  for  a 
favorable  wind.  On  the  night  of  October  28  he 
dropped  down  the  river  and  passed  the  batteries 
unseen,  drifting  downstream  under  bare  poles.  "  At 
half-past  one,"  he  says  in  his  report,  "  got  sight  of 
the  schooner  Pigot,  but  a  small  distance  from  her 
was  hailed  by  her  and  fired  upon  by  her  marines 
from  the  quarter-deck,  but  reserved  our  fire  till  we 
had  run  our  jibb  boom  through  her  fore  shrouds, 
then  threw  in  such  a  volley  of  musketry  loaded  with 
bullets  and  buckshot  and  some  cannon,  that  the  sea 
men  that  were  on  deck  immediately  ran  below  beg 
ging  for  quarters  and  them  that  were  below  never 
made  their  appearance  upon  deck,  the  consequence 
of  which  was,  my  men  run  out  upon  our  jibb  boom 
and  boarded  her  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  We 
carae  to  sail  with  her  and  run  into  this  harbor 
[Stonington] ,  where  my  men  are  all  landed  and  on 
their  march  to  Providence." 1  For  this  exploit  Ma 
jor  Talbot  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 

1  Almon,  vii,  337. 


336    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

colonel  in  the  Continental  army  and  was  afterwards 
made  a  captain  in  the  navy.1 

In  Boston  Harbor  about  the  middle  of  Decem 
ber  were  the  Continental  frigates  Warren,  Provi 
dence,  Boston,  Deane,  and  Queen  of  France.  All 
except  the  first  of  these  vessels  had  come  from  France 
during  the  year.  There  was  likewise  in  port  the 
new  frigate  Alliance,  built  at  Salisbury  on  the  Mer- 
rimac  River  and  fitting  out  for  her  first  voyage.  One 
or  two  state  cruisers  and  about  ten  large  privateers 
were  also  lying  in  Boston  Harbor  at  this  time.  Of 
the  frigates  the  Deane  was  fully  manned  and  ready 
for  sea ;  the  others  would  have  been  nearly  so,  if 
privateering  had  not  made  it  practically  impossible, 
without  great  delay,  to  get  men  for  their  crews.2 
These  six  frigates  represented  almost  the  entire 
strength  of  the  Continental  navy  in  commission  in 
American  waters  at  the  end  of  1778. 

1  Continental  Journal,  November  19,  1778 ;  Boston  Post,  No 
vember  28,  1778 ;  Tuckerman's  Life  of  Talbot,  ch.  iii. 

2  Publ.  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  255,  256  ;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D. 
489,  No.  19,  December  20, 1778,  intelligence  collected  for  Admiral 
Gambier. 


CHAPTER  X. 

EUROPEAN  WATERS   IN   1778 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  PAUL  JONES  brought  the  Ranger  to 
France  in  December,  1777,  eager  to  carry  the  war 
upon  the  enemy's  shores.  He  wrote  to  the  Marine 
Committee :  "  It  is  my  hearts  first  and  favorite  wish 
to  be  employed  in  Active  and  enterprizing  Services 
where  there  is  a  prospect  of  Rendering  such  Services 
Useful  and  Acceptable  to  America.  The  Singular 
Honor  which  Congress  hath  done  me  by  their  gen 
erous  approbation  of  my  past  Conduct  hath  inspired 
me  with  Sentiments  of  Gratitude  which  I  shall 
carry  with  me  to  my  Grave ;  and  if  a  life  of  Services 
devoted  to  America  can  be  made  instrumental  in 
securing  its  Independence,  I  shall  regard  the  Con 
tinuance  of  such  approbation  as  an  honor  far  Supe- 
riour  to  the  Empty  Peagentry  which  Kings  ever  did 
or  can  bestow."1 

During  the  first  two  months  after  his  arrival, 
Jones  spent  much  time  in  Paris,  conferring  with 
the  American  Commissioners.  While  there  he 
suggested  the  cruise  of  a  French  fleet  to  America, 
which  a  little  later  was  carried  out  by  D'Estaing. 
As  to  his  own  plans,  the  command  of  the  Indien, 
building  at  Amsterdam,  had  been  intended  for  him, 

1  Pap.  Cont.  Congr.,  58,  137  (December  10,  1777). 


-I  - 


338    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

but  this  vessel  had  been  transferred  to  the  French 
government  for  political  reasons.  In  being  deprived 
of  this  fine  ship,  Jones  met  with  one  of  the  most 
trying  of  his  many  disappointments.  A  cruise  in 
the  Ranger  was  then  proposed.  Jones  had  already 
stated  to  the  commissioners1  his  views  of  sound 
American  policy,  which  was  to  attack  defenseless 
seaports  of  the  enemy  and  to  cruise,  in  squadrons  if 
possible,  against  his  commerce  in  his  own  waters, 
where  it  was  concentrated,  rather  than  attempt  to 
cope  with  an  overwhelming  naval  power ;  to  destroy 
the  greatest  amount  of  property  in  the  shortest  time, 
striking  quickly  and  unexpectedly,  rather  than 
attempt  to  send  in  prizes  at  too  great  risk  of  re 
capture.  This  policy  was  less  pleasing  to  those  under 
him,  whose  first  thought  was  of  prize  money.2 

Early  in  February,  1778,  Jones  returned  to  his 
ship,  which,  having  been  thoroughly  refitted,  dropped 
down  the  Loire  to  Quiberon  Bay,  where  lay  a  French 
fleet  under  Admiral  La  Motte  Picquet.  The  Con 
tinental  brig  Independence,  Captain  Young,  was 
also  in  the  bay.  Jones  negotiated  with  the  admiral 
through  William  Carmichael,  secretary  to  Silas 
Deane,  in  regard  to  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns  which 
he  proposed  to  give  to  the  French  flag.  He  after 
wards  wrote  to  the  Marine  Committee :  "  I  am 
happy  in  having  it  in  my  power  to  congratulate  you 
on  my  having  seen  the  American  flag  for  the  first 
time  recognised  in  the  fullest  and  completest  manner 

1  In  his  letter  of  December  5,  1777.         2  Sands,  72-76,  311. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  339 

by  the  flag  of  France.  I  was  off  their  bay  the  13th 
and  sent  my  boat  in  the  next  day  to  know  if  the 
Admiral  would  return  my  salute.  He  answered  that 
he  would  return  to  me,  as  the  senior  American 
continental  officer  in  Europe,  the  same  salute  which 
he  was  authorized  by  his  court  to  return  to  an 
Admiral  of  Holland  or  of  any  other  Republic,  which 
was  four  guns  less  than  the  salute  given.  I  hesitated 
at  this,  for  I  had  demanded  gun  for  gun.  There 
fore  I  anchored  in  the  entrance  of  the  bay,  at  a 
distance  from  the  French  fleet;  but  after  a  very 
particular  inquiry  on  the  14th,  finding  that  he  had 
really  told  the  truth,  I  was  induced  to  accept  his 
offer,  the  more  so  as  it  was  hi  fact  an  acknowledg 
ment  of  American  Independence.  The  wind  being 
contrary  and  blowing  hard,  it  was  after  sunset  before 
the  Ranger  got  near  enough  to  salute  La  Motte 
Picquet  with  thirteen  guns,  which  he  returned  with 
nine.  However,  to  put  the  matter  beyond  a  doubt, 
I  did  not  suffer  the  Independence  to  salute  till  the 
next  morning,  when  I  sent  the  Admiral  word  that 
I  should  sail  through  his  fleet  in  the  brig  and 
would  salute  him  in  open  day.  He  was  exceedingly 
pleased  and  returned  the  compliment  also  with  nine 
guns."  i 

This  was  the  most  authoritative  salute  up  to  that 

time  given  to  the  American  flag  by  a  foreign  power. 

Although  Jones  says  that  neither  he  nor  La  Motte 

Picquet  knew  of  the  alliance  that  had  been  con- 

*  Sands,  77  (February  22,  1778). 


340    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

eluded  a  week  before,  it  is  probable  that  the  admiral 
had  received  some  intimation  of  the  propriety  of 
returning  an  American  salute.  The  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  Andrew  Doria's  salute  at  St.  Eustatius 
in  1776,1  the  first  notice  taken  of  a  Continental 
vessel,  was  disavowed  by  the  Dutch  government,  and 
the  response  to  that  of  the  privateer  General  Mifflin 
at  Brest  in  1777  2  was  not  admitted  by  the  French 
government.  The  salute  to  the  Ranger's  flag  was, 
as  Jones  says,  a  formal  recognition  of  American 
independence  and  was  a  natural  sequence  of  the 
treaties  of  commerce"and  of  alliance  which  had  been 

• 

signed  February  6  by  representatives  of  the  United 
States  and  France.3 

An  outcome,  presumably,  of  this  episode  in  Qui- 
beron  Bay  was  a  discussion  some  weeks  later  of  the 
general  subject  of  international  salutes,  among  high 
naval  officials  of  France  and  on  board  D'Estaing's 
fleet.  On  his  voyage  to  America  the  admiral  con 
ferred  with  his  distinguished  passenger  Gerard, 
minister  to  the  United  States,  and  in  June  a  coun 
cil  of  officers  was  held  on  the  flagship  at  which  the 
project  of  an  agreement  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  relating  to  this  subject,  was  drawn 
up.  It  provided  that  ships  of  either  power  entering 

1  See  above,  p.  159.  2  See  above,  p.  280. 

8  Sands,  76-78 ;  Sherburne,  216 ;  Memoires  de  Paul  Jones,  24  ; 
Dr.  Green's  Diary,  February  13, 14, 15,  1778  ;  Jones  MSS.,  letters 
of  Cannichael  and  Picquet,  February  13, 14, 1778  ;  Sparks  MSS., 
xlix,  12  (Jones  to  Deane,  February  26, 1778) ;  Log  of  Banger,  Feb 
ruary  14,  1778  ;  Stopford-Sackville  MSS.,  100. 


EUROPEAN   WATERS  IN   1778  341 

ports  of  the  other  should  salute  first,  in  recognition 
of  territorial  sovereignty ;  that  between  ships  com 
manded  by  officers  of  equal  rank,  the  American 
should  salute  first,  thereby  acknowledging  the  pre 
cedence  of  the  French  crown,  but  in  other  cases 
the  inferior  should  fire  the  first  salute ;  and  finally, 
that  all  salutes  should  be  returned  by  an  equal 
number  of  guns.1 

The  brig  Independence  sailed  for  America  in 
the  spring.  By  Jones's  advice  Captain  Young  at 
tempted  to  get  inj;o  Ocracoke  Inlet,  North  Caro 
lina,  but  unfortunately  his  ship  was  wrecked  on 
the  bar.2 

From  Quiberon  Bay  the  Ranger  proceeded  to 
Brest,  arriving  below  the  town  March  8.  The  fleet 
of  Admiral  d'Orvilliers  was  at  that  time  lying  in 
the  harbor  of  Brest.  In  this  vicinity  the  Ranger 
remained  a  month  and  again  saluted  the  French  flag, 
receiving  eleven  guns  in  return  for  thirteen.  April 
10  she  sailed  on  a  cruise  in  British  waters.  On  the 
14th,  between  Scilly  and  Cape  Clear,  a  brigantine 
was  taken  and  sunk,  and  on  the  17th,  off  Dublin, 
a  ship  was  captured  which  Jones  sent  back  to  Brest. 
The  events  of  the  following  week,  during  which  the 
Ranger  cruised  about  the  Isle  of  Man  and  the  adja 
cent  shores  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  the 

1  Archives  de  la  Marine,  B4  141,  303-313. 

2  Jones  MS8.J  Capt.  Bell  to  Jones  (November  3,  1778),  Jones 
to  Bell  (November  15, 1778),  and  to  Young  (November  18, 1778)  ; 
Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  146,  157,  158  (to  Young  and  to  Navy 
Board,  May  6,  June  18,  1778). 


342    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

neighborhood  of  Jones's  early  life,  added  much  to 
his  naval  reputation.1 

Towards  evening  of  April  17,  Jones  "  stood  over 
from  the  Isle  of  Man,  with  an  intention  to  make  a 
descent  at  Whitehaven.  At  10  o'clock,"  he  says  in 
his  report  to  the  commissioners,  "  I  was  off  the 
harbor  with  a  party  of  volunteers  and  had  every 
thing  in  readiness  to  land,  but  before  eleven  the 
wind  greatly  increased  and  shifted,  so  as  to  blow 
directly  upon  the  shore  ;  the  sea  increased  of  course, 
and  it  became  impossible  to  effect  a  landing.  This 
obliged  me  to  carry  all  possible  sail  so  as  to  clear 
the  land  and  to  await  a  more  favorable  opportunity."  2 

During  the  next  few  days  a  revenue  cutter  was 
chased  and  a  schooner  and  sloop  were  sunk.  Ad 
verse  winds  prevented  an  attempt  being  made  to 
destroy  a  number  of  vessels  at  anchor  in  a  bay  on 
the  Scotch  coast.  "  The  21st,  being  near  Carrick- 
f ergus,  a  fishing  boat  came  off,  which  I  detained.  I 
saw  a  ship  at  anchor  in  the  road  which  I  was  in 
formed  by  the  fisherman  was  the  British  ship-of- 
war  Drake,  of  20  guns.  I  determined  to  attack  her 
in  the  night.  My  plan  was  to  overlay  her  cable  and 
to  fall  upon  her  bow,  so  as  to  have  all  her  decks 
open  and  exposed  to  our  musketry,  &c. ;  at  the  same 
time  it  was  my  intention  to  have  secured  the  en- 

1  For  this  cruise  of  the  Ranger,  see  Sands,  79-93  ;  Sherburne, 
44-64  ;  Green's  Diary;  Scribner's  Mag.,  July,  1898;  Jones  MSS.; 
Log  of  Manger. 

2  Sherburne,  45  (Jones  to  American  Commissioners,  May  27, 
1778). 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  343 

emy  by  graplings,  so  that  had  they  cut  their  cables 
they  would  not  thereby  have  attained  an  advantage. 
The  wind  was  high  and  unfortunately  the  anchor 
was  not  let  go  so  soon  as  the  order  was  given,  so 
that  the  Ranger  was  brought  up  on  the  enemy's 
quarter  at  the  distance  of  half  a  cable's  length.  We 
had  made  no  warlike  appearance,  of  course  had 
given  no  alarm  ;  this  determined  me  to  cut  imme 
diately,  which  might  appear  as  if  the  cable  had 
parted  and  at  the  same  time  enable  me,  after  mak 
ing  a  tack  out  of  the  Lough,  to  return  with  the 
same  prospect  of  advantage  which  I  had  at  the 
first.  I  was,  however,  prevented  from  returning,  as 
I  with  difficulty  weathered  the  lighthouse  on  the 
lee  side  of  the  Lough,  and  as  the  gale  increased. 
The  weather  now  became  so  very  stormy  and  se 
vere  and  the  sea  so  high  that  I  was  obliged  to  take 
shelter  under  the  south  shore  of  Scotland.1 

"  The  22d  introduced  fair  weather,  though  the 
three  kingdoms  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  were 
covered  with  snow.  I  now  resolved  once  more  to 
attempt  Whitehaven,  but  the  wind  became  very 
light,  so  that  the  ship  could  not  in  proper  time  ap 
proach  so  near  as  I  had  intended.  At  midnight  I 
left  the  ship  with  two  boats  and  thirty-one  volun 
teers.  When  we  reached  the  outer  pier  the  day 
began  to  dawn.  I  would  not,  however,  abandon  my 
enterprise,  but  despatched  one  boat  under  the  di 
rection  of  Mr.  Hill  and  Lieutenant  Wallingsford, 
1  Sherburne,  46 ;  -Sane?*,  80. 


344    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

with  the  necessary  combustibles,  to  set  fire  to  the 
shipping  on  the  north  side  of  the  harbor,  while  I 
went  with  the  other  party  to  attempt  the  south  side. 
I  was  successful  in  scaling  the  walls  and  spiking  up 
all  the  cannon  in  the  first  fort.  Finding  the  senti 
nels  shut  up  in  the  guard  house,  they  were  secured 
without  being  hurt.  Having  fixed  sentinels,  I  now 
took  with  me  one  man  only  (Mr.  Green),  and  spiked 
up  all  the  cannon  on  the  southern  fort,  distant  from 
the  other  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  On  my  return  from 
this  business  I  naturally  expected  to  see  the  fire  of 
the  ships  on  the  north  side,  as  well  as  to  find  my 
own  party  with  everything  in  readiness  to  set  fire 
to  the  shipping  in  the  south.  Instead  of  this,  I 
found  the  boat  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Hill  and 
Mr.  Wallingsford  returned  and  the  party  in  some 
confusion,  their  light  having  burnt  out  at  the  in 
stant  when  it  became  necessary.  By  the  strangest 
fatality  my  own  party  were  in  the  same  situation, 
the  candles  being  all  burnt  out.  The  day  too  came 
on  apace,  yet  I  would  by  no  means  retreat  while  any 
hopes  of  success  remained.  Having  again  placed 
sentinels,  a  light  was  obtained  at  a  house  disjoined 
from  the  town  and  fire  was  kindled  in  the  steerage 
of  a  large  ship  which  was  surrounded  by  at  least 
an  hundred  and  fifty  others,  chiefly  from  two  to 
four  hundred  tons  burthen  and  laying  side  by  side 
aground,  unsurrounded  by  the  water.  There  were 
besides  from  seventy  to  an  hundred  large  ships  in 
the  north  arm  of  the  harbor  aground,  clear  of  the 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  345 

water,  and  divided  from  the  rest  only  by  a  stone 
pier  of  a  ship's  height.  I  should  have  kindled  fires 
in  other  places  if  the  time  had  permitted.  As  it  did 
not,  our  care  was  to  prevent  the  one  kindled  from 
being  easily  extinguished.  After  some  search  a 
barrel  of  tar  was  found  and  poured  into  the  flames, 
which  now  ascended  from  all  the  hatchways.  The 
inhabitants  began  to  appear  in  thousands  and  in 
dividuals  ran  hastily  towards  us.  I  stood  between 
them  and  the  ship  on  fire  with  a  pistol  in  my  hand 
and  ordered  them  to  retire,  which  they  did  with 
precipitation.  The  flames  had  already  caught  the 
rigging  and  began  to  ascend  the  mainmast.  The 
sun  was  a  full  hour's  march  above  the  horizon  and 
as  sleep  no  longer  ruled  the  world,  it  was  time  to 
retire.  We  re-embarked  without  opposition,  having 
released  a  number  of  prisoners,  as  our  boats  could 
not  carry  them.  After  all  my  people  had  embarked 
I  stood  upon  the  pier  for  a  considerable  time,  yet 
no  persons  advanced.  I  saw  all  the  eminences 
around  the  town  covered  with  the  amazed  inhab 
itants.1 

"When  we  had  rowed  a  considerable  distance 
from  the  shore,  the  English  began  to  run  in  vast 
numbers  to  their  forts.  Their  disappointment  may 
easily  be  imagined,  when  they  found  at  least  thirty 
heavy  cannon,  the  instruments  of  their  vengeance, 
rendered  useless.  At  length,  however,  they  began 
to  fire,  having,  as  I  apprehend,  either  brought 

1  Sherburne,  47. 


346    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

down  ship  guns  or  used  one  or  two  cannon  which 
lay  on  the  beach  at  the  foot  of  the  walls  dismounted, 
and  which  had  not  been  spiked.  They  fired  with  no 
direction  and  the  shot  falling  short  of  the  boats, 
instead  of  doing  us  any  damage,  afforded  some 
diversion,  which  my  people  could  not  help  showing 
by  discharging  their  pistols,  &c.  in  return  of  the 
salute.  Had  it  been  possible  to  have  landed  a  few 
hours  sooner,  my  success  would  have  been  complete. 
Not  a  single  ship  out  of  more  than  two  hundred 
could  possibly  have  escaped,  and  all  the  world 
would  not  have  been  able  to  save  the  town.  What 
was  done,  however,  is  sufficient  to  show  that  not  all 
their  boasted  navy  can  protect  their  own  coasts,  and 
that  the  scenes  of  distress  "which  they  have  occa 
sioned  in  America  may  be  soon  brought  home  to 
their  own  door." 1 

An  English  account  says:  "Att  4  o'Clock  a 
Privateer  of  Eighteen  Guns  &  one  hundred  & 
twenty  Men  landed  about  thirty  Men  in  our  Har 
bour  &  set  a  Vessel  on  Fire  &  distributed  Com 
bustibles  in  several  Others;  the  Privateer  is  yet 
standing  on  &  off  &  as  we  just  now  hear  is  stretch 
ing  with  Wind  at  East  to  the  W.N.W."2  Ac 
cording  to  another  letter  from  Whitehaven,  "  the 
privateer's  people  who  landed  here  this  morning 
were  all  armed  with  pistols  and  cutlasses  and  re 
tired  to  their  boats  about  four  o'clock.  .  .  .  They 
had  on  their  first  landing  spiked  up  several  of  the 
1  Sherburne,  48.  2  Whitehaven  Customs  Letter  Book,  96. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN   1778  347 

cannon,  in  order  to  secure  their  retreat.  A  number 
of  people  flocking  to  the  fort,  some  shot  were  fired 
at  the  boats,  but  without  doing  any  execution. 
After  the  boats  reached  the  privateer,  she  stood 
over  to  the  Scotch  side,  and  as  large  columns  of 
smoke  have  been  seen  on  the  Scotch  shore  this 
afternoon,  it  is  feared  he  has  done  some  mischief 
there."  * 

Having  reached  the  Scotch  shore,  Jones  landed 
about  noon  on  St.  Mary's  Isle,  "with  one  boat 
only  and  a  very  small  party."  Here  was  the  estate 
of  the  Earl  of  Selkirk,  very  near  Jones's  birth 
place.  The  plan  was  to  seize  the  earl  and  carry 
him  to  France,  to  serve  as  a  hostage  for  the  better 
treatment  of  American  prisoners  in  England  or  to 
secure  the  release  of  a  number  of  them  in  exchange. 
Unfortunately  for  the  success  of  the  project,  Sel 
kirk  was  absent.  The  officers  and  men  with  Jones, 
who  thus  far  had  had  little  prospect  of  prize  money, 
now  demanded  the  privilege  of  bringing  away  some 
booty  from  the  estate.  The  raids  of  the  British  in 
America,  in  which  private  property  was  not  re 
spected,  were  fresh  in  their  minds.  Jones  unwill 
ingly  consented  that  they  might  demand  and  take 
such  of  the  family  plate  as  might  be  delivered  to 
them.  This  was  done,  the  men  behaving  in  an  or 
derly  manner  and  not  entering  the  house.  Jones 
afterwards  purchased  this  plate,  worth  several  hun 
dred  pounds,  at  his  own  expense,  and  restored  it  to 
1  London  Chronicle,  April  30,  1778. 


348    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

Selkirk,  from  whom  he  received  full  acknowledg 
ment.1 

The  week's  cruise  in  the  Irish  Sea  ended  with  a 
notable  event  in  our  early  naval  history,  which 
Jones  relates  in  his  letter  to  the  commissioners  at 
Paris.  "  On  the  morning  of  the  24th  I  was  again 
off  Carrickfergus  and  would  have  gone  in  had  I  not 
seen  the  Drake  preparing  to  come  out.  It  was  very 
moderate  and  the  Drake's  boat  was  sent  out  to  re 
connoitre  the  Hanger.  As  the  boat  advanced  I  kept 
the  ship's  stern  directly  towards  her  and,  though 
they  had  a  spy  glass  in  the  boat,  they  came  on 
within  hail  and  alongside.  When  the  officer  came 
on  the  quarter-deck  he  was  greatly  surprised  to  find 
himself  a  prisoner,  although  an  express  had  arrived 
from  Whitehaven  the  night  before.  I  now  under 
stood  what  I  had  before  imagined,  that  the  Drake 
came  out,  in  consequence  of  this  information,  with 
volunteers  against  the  Ranger.  The  officer  told  me 
also  that  they  had  taken  up  the  Ranger's  anchor. 
The  Drake  was  attended  by  five  small  vessels  full 
of  people  who  were  led  by  curiosity  to  see  an  en 
gagement.  But  when  they  saw  the  Drake's  boat  at 
the  Ranger's  stern  they  wisely  put  back.  Alarm 
smokes  now  appeared  in  great  abundance,  extend 
ing  along  on  both  sides  of  the  channel.  The  tide 
was  unfavorable,  so  that  the  Drake  worked  out  but 
slowly.  This  obliged  me  to  run  down  several  times 
and  to  lay  with  courses  up  and  main-topsail  to  the 
*  Sherburne,  48,  51-58. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  349 

mast.  At  length  the  Drake  weathered  the  point 
and,  having  led  her  out  to  about  mid-channel,  I 
suffered  her  to  come  within  hail.  The  Drake  hoisted 
English  colors  and  at  the  same  instant  the  Ameri 
can  stars  were  displayed  on  board  the  Ranger.  I 
expected  that  preface  had  been  now  at  an  end,  but 
the  enemy  soon  after  hailed,  demanding  what  ship 
it  was  ?  I  directed  the  master  to  answer, '  the  Ameri 
can  Continental  ship  Ranger,  that  we  waited  for 
them  and  desired  that  they  would  come  on;  the  sun 
was  now  little  more  than  an  hour  from  setting,  it 
was  therefore  time  to  begin.'  The  Drake  being 
astern  of  the  Ranger,  I  ordered  the  helm  up  and 
gave  her  the  first  broadside.  The  action  was  warm, 
close,  and  obstinate.  It  lasted  an  hour  and  four 
minutes,  when  the  enemy  called  for  quarters,  her 
fore  and  main-topsail  yards  being  both  cut  away 
and  down  on  the  cap,  the  top-gallant  yard  and  mizen- 
gaff  both  hanging  up  and  down  along  the  mast,  the 
second  ensign  which  they  had  hoisted  shot  away 
and  hanging  on  the  quarter-gallery  in  the  water, 
the  jib  shot  away  and  hanging  in  the  water,  her 
sails  and  rigging  entirely  cut  to  pieces,  her  masts 
and  yards  all  wounded,  and  her  hull  also  very  much 
galled.  I  lost  only  Lieutenant  Wallingsford  and  one 
seaman,  John  Dougall,  killed,  and  six  wounded, 
among  whom  are  the  gunner,  Mr.  Falls,  and  Mr. 
Powers,  a  midshipman,  who  lost  his  arm.  One  of 
the  wounded,  Nathaniel  Wills,  is  since  dead ;  the 
rest  will  recover."  l  Jones  estimated  the  British  loss 

1  Sherburne,  48,  49. 


350    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

at  forty-two  killed  and  wounded,  but  it  was  proba 
bly  less ;  the  captain  was  killed  and  the  lieutenant 
mortally  wounded. 

The  Drake's  armament  consisted  of  twenty  four- 
pounders,  the  Hanger's  of  eighteen  six-pounders. 
According  to  different  accounts,  the  Drake's  crew 
numbered  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  one  hundred 
and  ninety  and  was  probably  little  in  excess  of 
the  lower  figure.  It  consisted  partly  of  volunteers 
and  raw  recruits  and  the  ship  had  only  one  lieuten 
ant.  On  the  whole  she  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
well  prepared  for  battle.  The  Ranger  also  was  at  a 
disadvantage,  her  crew  of  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
three  being  at  this  time  in  a  dissatisfied  and  even 
mutinous  state  of  mind,  under  the  influence  of 
the  first  lieutenant,  Thomas  Simpson.1  While  the 
Ranger's  capture  of  a  vessel  of  inferior  force  could 
hardly  be  regarded  as  a  remarkable  achievement,  it 
was  still  highly  satisfactory  to  have  taken  a  regular 
man-of-war  of  the  enemy  in  his  own  waters. 

The  day  after  the  battle  both  ships  were  em 
ployed  in  repairing  injuries.  A  brigantine  was  cap 
tured  at  this  time.  When  ready  to  sail,  the  Ranger 
and  Drake  passed  out  to  sea  by  the  North  Channel, 
owing  to  a  shift  of  the  wind,  and  returned  to  Brest 
by7way  of  the  west  coast  of  Ireland.  May  6,  Lieu 
tenant  Simpson,  in  command  of  the  Drake,  having 
disregarded  the  Ranger's  signals,  was  put  under 
arrest  by  Jones  for  disobedience  of  orders.  Both 

1  Sherburne,  49;  Sands,  95;  Scribner's  Mag.,  July,  1898. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  351 

vessels  arrived  safely  at  Brest  May  8.  An  Ameri 
can  at  that  place,  writing  home,  says :  "  It  was  a 
pleasure  to  see  the  English  flag  flying  under  the 
American  stars  and  stripes."1  About  two  hundred 
British  prisoners  were  confined  on  the  Drake,  await 
ing  exchange.  Meanwhile  six  British  men-of-war 
had  been  ordered  to  cruise  for  the  Ranger  in  St. 
George's  Channel,  and  it  was  reported  in  England 
that  both  she  and  the  Drake  had  been  captured  by 
a  British  frigate.2 

The  arrest  of  Simpson  was  the  outcome  of  an 
unfortunate  state  of  affairs  on  board  the  Ranger. 
For  a  number  of  reasons  there  had  been  discontent 
among  the  crew,  which  had  been  encouraged  by 
Simpson,  who,  it  was  charged  by  Jones,  had  gone 
so  far  as  to  incite  mutiny  before  the  battle  with  the 
Drake,  when  Jones  had  intended  to  go  in  and  at 
tack  that  vessel,  if  she  had  not  come  out.  Accord 
ing  to  Jones,  Simpson  on  that  occasion  "  held  up 
to  the  crew  that  being  Americans  fighting  for  lib 
erty,  the  voice  of  the  people  should  be  taken  before 
the  Captain's  orders  were  obeyed  "  ; 3  and  the  cap 
tain  says  that  if  the  capture  of  the  Drake's  boat 
had  not  brought  about  a  change  in  the  men's  tem 
per,  a  dangerous  mutiny  might  have  been  the  result. 
Jones  also  held  Simpson  in  some  degree  responsible 
for  the  failure  of  his  plans  at  Whitehaven.  Simp- 

1  Boston  Gazette,  July  6,  1778. 

2  Wharton,  ii,  581,  582  ;  Sherburne,  63;  London  Chronicle,  May 
2,  5,  9,  14, 1778. 

8  Sands,  95. 


352    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

son  having  come  out  from  America  in  the  Ranger, 
with  the  expectation  of  taking  command  upon  Jones 
being  given  a  larger  ship,  was  dissatisfied.  He  was 
popular  with  the  crew ;  whereas  Jones,  owing  to  his 
severe  discipline,  to  his  violent  temper,  and  perhaps 
to  other  personal  traits,  and  partly  to  his  indiffer 
ence  to  prize  money,  was  disliked  by  his  men.  This 
was  particularly  unfortunate  because  undeserved, 
for  in  his  letters  he  shows  constant  solicitude  for 
their  interests.  The  American  Commissioners  in 
Paris,  lacking  authority,  were  obliged  to  refuse  pay 
ment  on  Jones's  drafts  for  the  daily  support  and 
sustenance  of  his  crew,  which  caused  him  great  an 
noyance.  They  also  regretted  Simpson's  arrest, 
especially  as  there  were  not  enough  American  of 
ficers  in  Europe  to  convene  a  court-martial,  and  it 
would  be  necessary  to  send  him  to  America  for 
trial.  The  result  was  that,  with  the  approval  of 
Jones,  though  he  afterwards  repented  it,  Simpson 
was  released  from  custody  and  put  in  command  of 
the  Ranger.  Surgeon  Green  says  in  his  diary,  July 
27 :  "  This  day  Thomas  Simpson,  Esqr.  came  on 
board  with  orders  to  take  command  of  the  Ranger, 
to  the  joy  and  satisfaction  of  the  whole  Ships  com 
pany."  Not  long  after  this  the  Ranger  sailed  for 
America.1 

The  frigate  Boston,  Captain  Samuel  Tucker,  early 
in  February,   1778,  was  anchored  in    Nantasket 

1  Sherburne,  60-62;  Sands,  94-96,  99-104,  117,  118,  123-126; 
Wharton,  ii,  597.  * 


K  nXr-  '/ 


EUROPEAN   WATERS  IN  1778  353 

Eoads.  William  Jennison,  lieutenant  of  marines, 
records  in  his  journal,  February  13,  that  "Capt. 
Tucker  went  to  Braintree  in  his  Barge  and  brought 
the  Honble  John  Adams  and  suite  on  board."  1 
This  distinguished  passenger  had  been  appointed 
commissioner  to  France  in  place  of  Silas  Deane ;  he 
had  with  him  his  son  John  Quincy  Adams,  then 
eleven  years  old.  February  15  the  frigate  sailed 
with  a  wind  from  the  west  southwest ;  on  the  20th 
it  began  to  blow.  "  A  clap  of  thunder  with  sharp 
lightning  broke  upon  the  mainmast  just  above  the 
upper  moulding,  which  burnt  several  of  the  men  on 
deck.  A  most  terrible  night.  The  captain  of  the 
mainmast  was  struck  with  the  lightning,  which  burnt 
a  place  on  the  top  of  his  head  about  the  bigness  of 
a  Quarter  Dollar  —  he  lived  three  days  and  died 
raving  mad."2  Meanwhile  the  Boston  was  being 
chased  by  a  British  thirty-six-gun  frigate,  but  for 
tunately  escaped.  "  Capt.  Tucker  had  instructions 
not  to  risque  the  ship  in  any  way  that  might  en 
danger  Mr.  Adams,  and  was  ordered  to  land  him 
safe  in  France  or  Spain."3  Moreover  the  ship  was 
short-handed.  March  10,  "at  11  A.M.  discovered 
a  vessel  to  windward ;  gave  chase  and  came  along 
side  at  noon.  She  fired  three  guns  at  us,  one  of 
which  carried  away  our  mizen  yard.  We  returned 
a  few  shots  and  hoisted  American  colors,  upon  which 

1  Penn.  Mag.  Hist,  and  Biogr.,  April,  1891. 

2  Ibid.  This  casualty  is  not  mentioned  in  the  ship's  log. 
»  Ibid. 


354    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

she  struck  her  colors.  Our  boats  were  got  out  im 
mediately,  but  a  heavy  squall  prevented  them  get 
ting  to  the  ship  before  they  had  thrown  overboard 
the  mail,  which  sunk  not  more  than  a  boat's  hook 
length  before  our  boats  reached  the  ship.  She  was 
named  the  Martha,  carried  16  nine  pounders  and 
was  .  .  .  bound  from  the  Thames^for  New  York."  * 
Hezekiah  Welch,  one  of  the  frigate's  lieutenants, 
was  put  on  board  the  Martha  as  prize-master  and  she 
was  sent  back  to  Boston.  According  to  the  invoice 
her  cargo  was  worth  ninety-seven  thousand  pounds 
sterling.  Tucker  wrote  to  the  Navy  Board  of  the 
Eastern  District :  "  I  hope  to  pay  for  the  Boston, 
as  I  told  your  honnours  before  Sailing.  I  am  but 
Poorly  mand  to  my  Sorrow ;  I  dare  not  attack  a 
20  gun  Ship."  2  A  few  days  after  the  capture  of 
the  Martha,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Boston, 
William  Barron,  was  fatally  injured  by  the  burst 
ing  of  a  gun.  After  a  very  stormy  passage  the  frig 
ate  anchored  in  the  Garonne  River,  March  31,  and 
the  next  day  went  up  to  within  three  miles  of 
Bordeaux.3 

After  careening  and  thoroughly  refitting  his  ship 
and  enlisting  a  number  of  Frenchmen  for  his  crew, 
which  required  several  weeks,  Captain  Tucker 
dropped  down  the  river.  On  June  6,  the  Boston 
sailed  in  company  with  a  French  frigate  and  a  fleet 

1  Perm.  Mag.,  April,  1891.       2  Tucker  M88.,  March  11,  1778. 
8  Life  of  Tucker,  ch.  iv,  and  appendix,  log  of  the  Boston ;  Ar 
chives  de  la  Marine,  B8  14. 


EUROPEAN   WATERS  IN  1778  355 

of  merchantmen.  She  then  made  a  short  cruise  in 
the  Bay  of  Biscay  and  along  the  French  coast,  dur 
ing  which  four  prizes  were  taken.  The  Boston  went 
into  L'Orient  July  3  and  remained  nearly  a  month. 
Tucker  had  trouble  with  his  crew ;  June  19  he  wrote 
to  the  Navy  Board  that  the  situation  with  respect 
to  his  people  was  very  disagreeable  and  had  been 
since  he  left  Boston,  and  that  there  had  been  "  a 
Consparicy  carried  to  a  great  Length,  but  fort 
unately  discovered  it  the  day  before  sailing  from 
Bourdeaux,  which  I  wrote  the  Honble  Commissioners 
at  Paris.  I  had  the  Confederates  of  Bourdeaux  im 
prisoned  and  believe  they  will  be  Banished  if  not 
hung."  1  A  spirit  of  insubordination  persisted  to 
some  extent,  and  July  28,  Tucker  ordered  one  of  the 
crew  "  to  be  brought  to  the  gangway  and  receive 
twelve  stripes  on  his  naked  back.  His  crime  was 
talking  among  the  people  and  making  them  believe 
that  the  officers  on  board  had  embezzled  some  part 
of  the  prizes,  cargo,  and  other  abuse."  2  Meanwhile 
forty-seven  of  the  French  sailors  enlisted  at  Bordeaux 
had  been  arbitrarily  taken  out  of  the  ship  by  a 
French  general  at  L'Orient.  The  prisoners  taken 
in  the  prizes  also  became  restless,  and  on  learning 
that  an  uprising  among  them  was  being  planned, 
Tucker  ordered  twenty-three  of  them  to  be  put  in 
irons.  The  first  of  these  recent  prizes  of  the  Boston 
having  been  sent  to  America,  the  other  three  were 

1  Tucker  MSS. 

2  Tucker,  303,  log  of  the  Boston. 


356    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

sold  at  L'Orient.  August  1  the  Boston  sailed,  and 
on  the  3d  anchored  at  St.  Nazaire.1 

The  frigate  Providence,  Captain  Whipple,  was 
then  at  Paimboeuf ,  and  a  few  days  later  came  down 
the  river  and  joined  the  Boston.  The  Providence, 
after  escaping  from  the  blockade  of  Narragansett 
Bay  2  May  1,  sailed  directly  for  France,  arriving  at 
Paimboeuf  on  the  30th ;  she  was  to  procure  guns 
for  Continental  vessels  under  construction.  On  the 
voyage  she  captured  a  prize  which  was  recaptured 
and  then  again  taken  by  a  French  ship.  August  8 
the  Providence  and  Boston  with  a  small  convoy, 
with  Whipple  in  command,  sailed  for  Brest,  where 
they  arrived  in  six  days  and  found  the  Kanger. 
There  was  also  a  large  French  fleet  at  Brest.  August 
22  the  Providence,  Boston,  and  Kanger  sailed  for 
America.  September  26  they  were  on  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland,  and  on  the  15th  of  October  they 
arrived  at  Portsmouth,  having  taken  three  prizes 
on  the  passage  from  France.3 

The  Continental  cutter  Eevenge,  Captain  Con- 
yngham,  cruised  with  success  during  1778,  usually 
out  of  Spanish  ports.  The  Spanish  people  were 

1  Tucker,  ch.  v,  and  appendix ;  Adams  MSB.,  April  10,  11,  22, 
1778 ;  Tucker  MSS.,  July  3,  7,  12,  13,  1778. 

2  See  above,  p.  306. 

8  Tucker,  ch.  v,  and  appendix ;  Archives  de  la  Marine,  B7  459 
(letter  of  Whipple,  May  31,  1778) ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  157, 
159  (June  10,  19,  1778) ;  Tucker  MSS.,  August  24,  September  15, 
1778 ;  Granite  Monthly,  November,  1881,  log  of  the  Ranger ;  Boston 
Gazette,  October  5,  November  2,  1778 ;  Boston  Post,  October  24i 
1778. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  357 

generally  friendly  to  the  American  cause  and  treated 
with  hospitality  the  vessels  which  visited  their  ports. 
Early  in  the  year  the  Revenge  sailed  from  Bilbao 
and  cruised  to  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  and  in  the 
Mediterranean,  taking  several  prizes.  Her  arrival 
in  Cadiz  is  mentioned  by  an  officer  on  the  British 
ship  Monarch,  who  complains  of  the  unfriendly 
feeling  of  the  Spaniards  towards  the  English.  The 
Monarch  sent  a  boat  ashore  "  to  get  what  is  termed 
product,"  but  was  unsuccessful ;  it  was  refused  many 
times.  "  Judge  of  the  situation  of  our  spirited  com 
mander,  who  is  a  true  British  seaman,  when  during 
the  time  we  lay  there  —  seven  days  being  detained 
by  the  wind  —  we  had  the  mortification  to  see  the 
usual  honours  paid  to  two  Dutch  frigates  and  above 
all  to  the  Revenge,  American  privateer  commanded 
by  Cunningham,  who  came  swaggering  in  with 
his  thirteen  stripes,  saluted  the  Spanish  Admiral, 
had  it  returned  and  immediately  got  product,  the 
Spaniards  themselves  carrying  on  board  wood,  water, 
fruit  and  fresh  provisions ;  all  which  we  were  eye 
witnesses  of,  as  she  anchored  directly  under  our 
stern,  within  two  cables  length." 1  There  were  eleven 
other  American  vessels  lying  in  Cadiz  at  this  time. 
Conyngham  relates  an  incident  not  mentioned  in 
the  English  officer's  letter.  "  An  English  ship  of 
the  Line  &  two  frigatts  were  laying  in  Cadiz  on 
our  arrival ;  in  their  usual  &  diabolick  mode  of  War- 

1  London  Chronicle,  May  7,  1778 ;  Boston  Gazette,  October  12, 

1778. 


358    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

fare  had  determined  in  the  Night  by  their  boats  to 
set  the  revenge  on  fire.  A  Good  french  man  on 
board  one  of  them  Gave  notice  to  the  f  reneh  Consul 
of  their  designe,  who  advised  us  of.  Consequently 
was  prepared  for  them,  they  did  appeare  in  the 
dead  of  the  night,  but  took  Care  to  Keep  their  dis 
tance  ;  the  Spanish  admirall  had  thiss  notice  &  he 
politely  offered  a  74  Gun  ship  to  protect  us.  We 
acknowledge  the  favor,  but  was  noways  apprehens 
ive  of  any  danger ;  to  the  Contrary  it  was  our  wish 
they  would  make  the  Attempt." l 

The  .Revenge  returned  to  the  north  of  Spain  and 
went  into  Ferrol.  She  fitted  out  there  and  then 
cruised  among  the  Azores  and  Canary  Islands,  tak 
ing  several  prizes,  some  of  which  were  destroyed 
and  others  sent  to  American  or  to  European  ports. 
"  Those  seas  covered  by  British  Cruzers  of  every 
description  and  [with]  orders  from  their  Govermt 
to  follow  the  revenge  into  any  harbour  she  might 
be  in  &  destroy  her."  Conyngham  then  returned 
to  Coruna,  but  found  the  Spanish  less  hospitable; 
the  protection  of  the  government  had  been  with 
drawn.  This,  Conyngham  says,  was  due  to  British 
influence  at  court.  He  was  allowed  to  refit  at  a 
small  neighboring  port,  however,  and  then  sailed 
for  the  West  Indies.2 

About  the  end  of  September,  which  was  perhaps 

1  Perm.  Mag.  Hist,  and  Biogr.,  January,  1899,  Conyngham's 
narrative. 

2  Ibid. 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  359 

a  little  before  Conyngham  returned  to  Coruna  after 
his  cruise  among  the  Western  Islands,  the  privateer 
Vengeance  arrived  at  that  place.  The  Vengeance 
was  a  twenty-gun  brig  from  Newburyport  com 
manded  by  Captain  Newman ;  she  sailed  from  Cape 
Ann  August  16.  About  two  weeks  after  leaving 
port  the  Vengeance  ran  into  a  West  India  fleet  and 
was  chased  out  again  by  two  frigates.  "  On  the  17th 
of  September,"  says  Captain  Newman,  "in  Latt. 
49  N.  and  Long.  20  West,  fell  in  with  the  Ship 
Harriot  Packet,  of  sixteen  guns  and  forty-five  men, 
Capt.  Sampson  Sprague,  from  Falmouth  bound  to 
New  York,  which,  after  a  small  resistance,  struck. 
I  man'd  her  and  ordered  her  for  Newbury-Port. 
And  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month  fell  in  with  the 
Snow  Eagle  Packet,  from  New  York  bound  to  Fal 
mouth,  Commanded  by  Edward  Spence,  mounting 
fourteen  carriage  guns  and  sixty  men  including  some 
officers  of  the  British  army,  which,  after  an  engage 
ment  of  about  twenty  minutes,  was  obliged  to  strike 
to  us,  which  I  likewise  ordered  for  Newbury-Port. 
Col.  Howard  of  the  1st  Regiment  of  Guards  was 
killed  and  several  other  officers,  and  a  number 
wounded.  Lucky  for  me,  not  one  man  killed  or 
wounded  except  myself,  by  a  musket  ball  in  my 
thigh.  .  .  .  Among  the  passengers  was  four  Colo 
nels,  three  Majors,  one  Cornet  of  dragoons.  .  .  . 
I  have  delivered  my  prisoners  to  the  British  Com 
missary  residing  here,  taking  his  receipt  for  the  same, 
obligating  him  to  return  a  like  number  of  Ameri- 


360    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

can  prisoners  of  equal  rank." l  This  letter  was  dated 
October  4  at  Coruna.  Possibly  the  feeling  aroused 
over  the  arrival  of  these  prisoners  of  rank  in  the 
British  army  and  protests  made  to  the  Spanish  gov 
ernment  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  Con- 
yngham's  inhospitable  reception  about  the  same 
time.2 

Up  to  the  time  of  her  arrival  in  the  West  Indies, 
the  Revenge,  according  to  a  letter  from  Martinique 
dated  December  10,  had  captured  sixty  British  ves 
sels,  twenty-seven  of  which  were  sent  into  port  and 
thirty-three  sunk  or  burned.  She  cruised  several 
weeks  out  of  Martinique  among  the  Windward  Is 
lands.  Conyngham  received  instructions,  October  26, 
from  William  Bingham,  the  American  naval  agent 
in  the  West  Indies.  A  month  later  Bingham  wrote 
to  Conyngham :  "  As  the  defensive  Alliance  entered 
into  between  France  &  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  will  point  out  to  you  one  Common  Object  as  the 
Motive  that  our  Conduct  is  mutually  to  be  regu 
lated  by  that  of  annoying  and  circumventing  the 
Designs  of  the  Enemy,  I  must  seriously  recommend 
to  you  not  to  lose  sight  of  it."  He  was  to  be  on  the 
lookout  for  D'Estaing,  expected  soon  to  arrive  in 
the  West  Indies  from  America  ;  and  also  for  "  a 
Frigate  with  Transports  under  her  Convoy  of  a 

1  Boston  Post,  January  9,  1779. 

2  Boston  Gazette,  January  11, 1779 ;  Mar.  Com.  Letter  Book,  227 
(August  16, 1779) ;  Hist.  Man.  Com.,  Amer.  MSS.  in  Royal  Inst.,i, 
307  (October  1,  1778,  declaration  of  British  consul  at  Coruna  as  to 
Newman's  prisoners). 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  361 

great  Number  of  Troops  from  France,"  and  acquaint 
them,  as  far  as  possible,  with  the  movements  of  the 
British  fleet.  A  set  of  French  signals  was  furnished 
him.  "  Another  grand  object  that  must  attract  your 
attention  is  the  endeavouring  to  capture  some  of 
the  Transports  that  have  sailed  from  New  York 
bound  for  the  English  West  India  Islands.  It  ap 
pears  that  they  have  suffered  by  a  Gale  of  wind  & 
have  lost  their  Convoy,  so  that  perhaps  they  will 
fall  an  easy  Prey.  No  recompense  could  requite  the 
services  you  would  render  your  Country  by  captur 
ing  some  of  those  that  have  Troops  on  board,  as  it 
might  perhaps  hinder  the  success  of  any  of  their 
operations  in  these  Seas."1  The  Revenge  made 
several  prizes  in  the  West  Indies,  including  two 
British  privateers,  and  had  an  engagement  with  a 
twenty-eight-gun  cutter.  This  cruise  continued  until 
midwinter.2 

The  Continental  navy,  already  greatly  reduced, 
was  further  depleted  in  the  year  1778  by  the  loss 
of  the  frigates  Washington,  Effingham,  Eandolph, 
Virginia,  and  Raleigh,  and  the  Alfred,  Columbus, 
Independence,  and  Resistance.  Of  the  original  thir 
teen  frigates  there  now  remained  only  the  Boston, 
Warren,  Providence,  and  Trumbull.  Among  the 
ships  lost  before  they  had  ever  been  in  service  must 

1  MS.  Letter,  November  29,  1778. 

2  Perm.  Mag.  Hist,  and  Biogr.,  January,  1899 ;  Boston  Gazette, 
February  15,  1779. 


362    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

be  counted  the  fine  large  frigate  Indien,  which  passed 
from  the  American  to  the  French  flag.  To  replace 
these  severe  losses  the  frigates  Deane  and  Queen 
of  France,  the  sloop  of  war  General  Gates,  and  the 
prize  schooner  Pigot  had  been  added  to  the  navy ; 
also  a  brigantine  called  the  Retaliation,  whose  ser 
vice  seems  to  have  been  brief  and  uneventful.  The 
frigate  Alliance  might  be  included  in  the  list,  but 
she  did  not  cruise  until  the  following  year.  The 
frigates  "Warren  and  Providence  had  begun  their 
active  careers  during  the  year  1778,  and  concern 
ing  two  frigates  built  in  Connecticut  a  letter  of 
William  Vernon,  written  December  17  to  John 
Adams,  says:  "The  ship  building  at  Norwich  is 
given  to  Capt.  Seth  Harding  and  call'd  the  Confed 
eracy,  near  ready  to  sail ;  she  is  a  fine  Frigate,  it  is 
said  exceeds  the  Alliance  if  possible.  The  Trumbul 
remains  in  Connecticut  River,  perhaps  may  never 
be  got  out,  unless  Camels  are  built  to  carry  her  out." 
In  regard  to  the  America,  Admiral  Howe  had 
written  in  March :  "  According  to  the  latest  Infor 
mation  obtained  from  some  of  the  well-affected  In 
habitants  in  the  New  England  Provinces,  the  Two- 
decked  Ship  building  at  Portsmouth  is  not  expected 
to  be  finished  before  the  Autumn."  The  America 
had  to  wait  much  longer  than  that  for  her  comple 
tion.  If  to  the  vessels  here  mentioned  as  ready  for 
service  we  add  the  sloop  Providence,  the  Ranger  and 
the  Revenge,  the  list  of  the  Continental  navy  in 
commission  at  the  end  of  1778  is  full.  The  prize 


EUROPEAN  WATERS  IN  1778  363 

sloop  of  war  Drake  would  have  been  a  valuable 
cruiser  and  might  have,  been  acquired  for  the  Con 
tinental  service,  but  was  not,  probably  owing  to 
lack  of  available  funds  and  of  authority  on  the  part 
of  the  American  Commissioners  at  Paris.1 

The  navy  therefore  showed  a  gradual  falling 
away,  and  its  condition  at  the  end  of  the  year  1778 
was  by  no  means  satisfactory.  The  state  navies  also 
seemed  to  be  steadily  dwindling.  Privateering,  how 
ever,  continued  active,  and  British  commerce  suf 
fered  severely  from  American  enterprise  of  this 
kind.  The  Continental  Congress  issued  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty-nine  commissions  to  privateers  in 
1778,  an  increase  of  sixty  over  the  previous  year, 
and  doubtless  large  numbers  continued  to  be  com 
missioned  by  the  different  states.2 

At  the  beginning  of  1778  the  British  navy  com 
prised  three  hundred  and  ninety-nine  vessels  of  all 
classes,  of  which  two  hundred  and  seventy-four 
were  in  commission ;  a  year  later  the  figures  were 
four  hundred  and  thirty-two  and  three  hundred  and 
seventeen  respectively.8  Eighty-nine  vessels  were  on 
the  North  American  station  in  January,  and  the 
same  number  in  September,  but  the  fleets  on  these 
two  dates  were  differently  constituted.  Nearly  half 
the  first  were  frigates  and  fifteen  were  ships  mount- 

1  Paullin,  516,  517 ;  Publ  E.  I.  Hist.  Soc.,  viii,  256;  Brit.  Adm. 
Bee.,  A.  D.  488,  No.  55,  March  16,  1778. 

2  Naval  Records  (calendar),  217-495,  list  of  Continental  letters 
of  marque. 

8  Hannay,  ii,  211. 


364    NAVAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

ing  sixty-four,  fifty,  or  forty-four  guns ;  the  Sep 
tember  fleet,  which  included  Byron's  squadron, 
contained  fewer  frigates,  but  seven  seventy-fours, 
six  sixty-fours,  five  fifties,  and  three  forty-fours.1 
There  were  also  about  fifteen  vessels  at  Newfound 
land  and  thirty  or  forty  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
total  force  of  the  navy  in  men  was  sixty  thousand.2 
A  list  of  New  York  privateers,  September  8,  1778, 
to  March  8, 1779,  contains  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
one  names.3 

Information  in  regard  to  captures  and  losses  is 
scanty  and  unsatisfactory,  and  the  few  available  lists 
and  figures  are  doubtless  inaccurate  and  incomplete ; 
and  estimates  are  perhaps  sometimes  exaggerated. 
The  Continental  navy  made  fewer  captures  than  in 
the  previous  year,  while  presumably  the  privateers 
made  more.  According  to  one  calculation,  made  in 
February,  1778,  they  had  then  taken  seven  hun 
dred  and  thirty-nine  British  vessels  since  the  be 
ginning  of  the  war.  Another  estimate  places  the 
British  loss  for  the  year  at  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
four,  of  which  eighty-seven  were  recaptured  or  ran 
somed;  but  this  list  includes  captures  by  the 
French.  According  to  the  same  authority  the  British 
took  two  hundred  and  forty-eight  vessels  from  their 
enemies.  A  contemporary  newspaper  gives  a  list 
of  two  hundred  and  twenty-two  American  vessels 

1  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D.  488,  January  5,  September  11,  1778, 
Disposition  of  His  Majesty's  Ships  and  Vessels  in  North  America. 

2  Hannay,  ii,  212 ;  Schomberg,  i,  440,  iv,  56-59 ;  Almon,  vii,  249. 

3  Trumbull  MSS.,  xxiii,  116. 


EUROPEAN   WATERS  IN  1778  365 

captured  on  the  West  Indian  station  within  a  few 
weeks.  Another  list,  that  of  American  vessels  taken 
on  the  North  American  station  between  October, 
1777,  and  April,  1778,  contains  only  five  names  ; 
while  between  May,  1778,  and  February,  1779, 
seventy-nine  prizes  were  brought  in  by  New  York 
privateers.1 

1  Hannay,  ii,  220 ;  Clowes,  iii,  396 ;  London  Chronicle,  September 
17,  November  7,  1778 ;  Almon,  vii,  190 ;  Brit.  Adm.  Bee.,  A.  D. 
488,  No.  57,  April  23,  1778,  list  of  vessels  seized  or  destroyed  since 
October  25, 1777;  A.  D.  489,  No.  27,  February  27, 1779. 


END   OF   VOLUME   I 


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